newsflash

 

 

الإخوان المسلمون.. حقائق قديمة ما زالت صالحة لإثارة الدهشة

طوال أكثر من ربع قرن، هي عمر البعث الثاني لجماعة الإخوان المسلمين في مصر، عقب الإفراج عن معظم قادتهم وكوادرهم في منتصف السبعينات من القرن الماضي. حرص خصوم الجماعة على توجيه عدد من الانتقادات الحادة للجماعة، جلها يتعلق بموقف الجماعة التاريخي من قضية العنف. وظلت الجماعة تصدر دفاعاتها حول هذه القضية منطلقة من اتهام مناوئيها بالعداء التاريخي لها من جهة، وعدم جدية معلوماتهم من الجهة الأخرى. وأصرت الجماعة على موقفها الواضح الرافض لقضية العنف كوسيلة للتغيير. ولكن الحقائق القديمة التي تمت إثارتها أخيرا من بعض من تعاطوا مع تلك الجماعة في سبعينات وثمانينات القرن الماضي كشفت لنا عن وجه آخر مختلف عما رددته الجماعة وقادتها طوال تلك السنوات.

 

طلال الأنصاري: الهضيبي كان يريدنا جهازاً خاصاً للجماعة..

والخطط كانت تدار في منزله

  كتب   احمد الخطيب    ١٥/ ٣/ ٢٠٠٦

 

يعرض مختار نوح في كتابه شهادة طلال الأنصاري كاملة والمتضمنة لاتهامات مباشرة لقادة جماعة الإخوان المسلمين.
ويقول الأنصاري: إن منزل المستشار حسن الهضيبي المرشد الأسبق شهد الجلسات الأولي لتنظيمه، وكنا نعتبر أنفسنا امتداداً طبيعياً للإخوان المسلمين بعد أن قرأنا كل كتب الجماعة، ولذلك فقد سارعنا إليهم فوراً عقب خروجهم من السجون عام ١٩٧٢، وتحديداً ذهبنا للشيخ علي عبده إسماعيل القيادي الإخواني الشهيد شقيق الشهيد.

Esam El-Erian admits in 2006 that Muslim Brotherhood does NOT accept democracy

"want to use the mechanics of democracy to achieve power, but have no intention of actually supporting democratic values or practices."

 

THE SATURDAY PROFILE; Braving Jail for Democracy, but Is That a Goal or a Tool?

Published: March 25, 2006

WHAT makes a person go to jail for his beliefs and fortifies that person to hold strong while the moments of life -- weddings, births, deaths -- pass by?

Essam el-Erian missed six and a half years of freedom for his political work. In that way he has something in common with those who accepted prison to call for freedom from the oppression of the Soviet Union. He shares something in common with Riad Seif, a former prisoner in Syria who was recently released after serving more than five years for his democracy work, and Ayman Nour, sentenced to five years hard labor in Egypt after challenging the governing party's monopoly on power.

 

 

تاريخ الوهابية

 

يستعرض وينزر تأريخ نشأة الحركة الوهابية ودور الشيخ محمد بن عبد الوهاب في مزج قوة الدولة بالعقيدة في أطار الخلافة الإسلامية، مشيرا إلى العام 1744 م كبداية لنشوء التحالف التأريخي بين الشيخ محمد بن عبد الوهاب وآل سعود والذي مكن الأخير من بسط نفوذه، مقابل دعمه لأتباع عبدالوهاب في رسالتهم "لتطهير الأرض من الكفار".

 


 

الحركات المتطرفة في مصر

جماعة التكفير والهجرة

 

التعريف

جماعة المسلمين كما سمت نفسها ، أو جماعة التكفير والهجرة كما أطلق عليها إعلامياً ، هي جماعة إسلامية غالية نهجت نهج الخوارج في التكفير بالمعصية ، نشأت داخل السجون المصرية في بادئ الأمر ، وبعد إطلاق سراح أفرادها ، تبلورت أفكارها ، وكثر أتباعها في صعيد مصر وبين طلبة الجامعات خاصة .

 

the faith and the fear 

Mother Nahid Mewali tells of her conversion

Christians offered promotions and inducements

 to convert to Islam

Montasar El-Zayat says"In Islam it is clear,

if a Muslim converts, he gets killed"

           
 مأساة اسرة
           
طفلة مدحت عزيزابراهيم 5 سنوات تحكى إعتداء جماعات الإرهاب
  
 على والدها
medhat aziz daughter

          

تحقيقات

43837

‏السنة 131-العدد

2006

ديسمبر

14

ا

بعد أحداث جامعة الأزهر‏:‏
ميليشيات الإخوان تهدد مستقبل التعليم الجامعي

تحقيق‏:‏جمال الكشكي

ما الذي حدث في جامعة الأزهر الأيام الماضية؟
هل صارت السياسة تمارس بخناجر العنف؟


وما حكاية الميليشيات الإخوانية التي غطت وجوهها بأقنعة وعصبت رءوسها بشارات صامدون وراحت تستعرض مهارتها القتالية ففي الكاراتيه والكونغ فو؟‏!‏ وهل هؤلاء يعيشون في وطني غير مصر؟ وهل هم طلاب بجامعة الأزهر أم أنهم مقاتلون في كتائب القسام؟‏!‏

محمود اباظة ـ سامح عاشور

 

              
برنامج "سجال" ANB 5/5/06
       
الأقباط المتحدون بريطانيا بعد احداث الإسكندرية

 

 segal

 

 

تحقيقات

41333

‏السنة 124-العدد

2000

فبراير

5

‏29 من شوال 1420 هـ

السبت

 

حوار ساخن جدا مع أسقف البلينا
الأنبا ويصا‏:‏ لا اضطهاد دينيا في مصر
الفتنة أحداث مفتعلة وليس عندنا مسلمون ومسيحيون

حوار يكتبه : نبيل عمر
لم يكن ممكنا الذهاب إلي الكشح والبحث في أسباب الفتنة التي أمسكت بها أخيرا‏,‏ دون مقابلة الأنبا ويصا أسقف البلينا‏,‏ فاسمه منذ وقوع أحداث الكشح الأولي في عام‏1998‏ تجاوز جدران أبرشيته‏,‏ وحدود مصر‏,‏ وبات يتردد كثيرا في وكالات الأنباء والصحف الأجنبية وتقارير منظمات حقوق الإنسان‏!‏

Problems on hold

The mighty security apparatus, Udysat

Youssef Sidhom




With the assault on its church on the evening of Wednesday 18 January, the village of al-Udeisat in Luxor, Upper Egypt joined a list of other Egyptian villages that had lived in age-old obscurity until some violent sectarian event moved them into the realm of international limelight. Shame indeed! Instead of gaining world renown on account of being the birthplace of a son or daughter who realise some unprecedented feat; or a site of a historic discovery, an ultra-modern facility, or a global event; these modest, hitherto unheard-of villages carved a place for themselves on the world scene as sites of ferocious violence. Mobs terrorised, injured, and murdered peaceful residents, looted their property and set it aflame, for no reason other than that these residents differed in their faith, and had the temerity to worship in small, modest churches which they built and the interior of which they renovated years later. The villages of Kafr Dimian east of the Delta, Girza in Giza, Beni-Walmes and Tahal-Aameda in Minya, Upper Egypt, have all claimed places on the world map of events throughout the last decade. Will other villages or hamlets, the names of which we never heard before, join them?
A look at the factors that led to the Udeisat attack highlights several problems, and raises the bitter question: Till when will such problems remain shelved, or placed on hold? How can the perpetrators of violence escape unquestioned and unpunished, either because the inadequacies of the security apparatus remain beyond accountability, or because of the so-called cosmetic and ineffectual “reconciliation sessions” in which the victims and attackers are brought together by the local councils for an official reconciliation following attacks.
The quasi-governmental al-Ahram Cairo daily termed the Udeisat church a ‘guest house’. This is a flagrant fallacy intended to establish the concept that the irregular worship held in the church since 1970, which was sometimes open for prayers and sometimes closed by the authorities, was illegal since the building had not been licensed as a church. It should be noted that the Udeisat church is no exception, but stands as one in a long line of churches the licensing of which was for decades placed on hold, despite arduous efforts by church officials to obtain licences. The issue exposes a morbid situation where the Constitution stipulates freedom of belief and equality between citizens regardless of their religion, while in fact the security authority grants or withholds rights of worship according to the whim of its chiefs, with ignominious bias towards one religious sector and against the other.
A series of presidential decrees was issued since February 1998, the last of which was last December, to phase out the legislative restrictions on church building, restoration and renovation. Local and security authorities however, especially in Upper Egypt, are unable to grasp that the real implication of these decrees is to establish equality between Egyptians. Instead, they hold on to their dominion over the fate of churches, those in charge of them, and their congregations. Udeisat is a case in point; no sooner had Holy Mass been conducted in the church following restorations—which, according to the last presidential decree, may be conducted once the local authorities are “informed” of them—than the district security chief dropped in. He raged at the priest for resuming religious services and left in anger, threatening that the matter will not be overlooked. So, instead of propagating among the population a culture of acceptance of the other, as implied by the presidential decrees, the security authorities—secure in their immunity to questioning or accountability—propagated an entirely different message. They made it clear that presidential decrees meant nothing to them; they were the powers that be.
Such behaviour on the part of the security authorities encouraged the fanatics in the village, who could not accept that a Christian would ever be equal to a Muslim, to conduct their infamous raid on the church. These security officials should thus be brought to account, since their attitude led the mob to understand that heinous acts against Christians would go unpunished.
Other details beg explanations. Why was there no security presence whatsoever at the site of the Udeisat church following the wrathful visit of the security official? It could not have escaped the authorities that the general mood, especially between the Muslim fanatics, had become strained. And who had access to cut the electric current off the district of the church, thus facilitating its attack by the mob under the cover of the dark? Unless all the above issues are investigated transparently and candidly, similar events are sure to recur.
I do not regret my call to dedicate 2006 to the cause of national reconciliation, and am not going back on my effort to promote pro-activity between Muslims and Copts as an antidote to their mutual alienation and antagonism. But it should be very clear that the Udeisat attack is no mere antagonism; it is an act of outlawed hooliganism run wild, and should be accounted for before the law. Infringements on equality and public order cannot be forgiven, and this should in no way be confused with reconciliation.

 

 



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