MAY 2008

U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom

800 North Capitol Street, NW

Suite 790

Washington, DC 20002


202-523-5020 (fax)

United States Commission on International Religious Freedom


Michael Cromartie


Preeta D. Bansal

Dr. Richard D. Land Vice Chairs

Don Argue

Imam Talal Y. Eid

Felice D. Gaer

Leonard A. Leo

Dr. Elizabeth H. Prodromou

Nina Shea

John V. Hanford, III, ex officio, nonvoting member

United States Commission on International Religious Freedom


Patricia Carley, Acting Deputy Director for Policy

David Dettoni, Deputy Director for Outreach

Judith Ingram, Director of Communications

Carmelita Hines, Director of Administration

Dwight Bashir, Senior Policy Analyst

Elizabeth Cassidy, International Legal Specialist

Catherine Cosman, Senior Policy Analyst

Deborah DuCre, Receptionist

Scott Flipse, Senior Policy Analyst

Kody Kness, Legislative Assistant

Bridget Kustin, Communications Specialist

Tiffany Lynch, Researcher

Jacqueline A. Mitchell, Executive Assistant

Stephen R. Snow, Senior Policy Analyst



Serious problems of discrimination, intolerance, and other human rights violations against members of religious minorities, as well as non-conforming Muslims, remain widespread in Egypt . Over the past few years, the Egyptian government has adopted several measures to acknowledge the religious pluralism of Egyptian society, including increased efforts to promote interfaith activity. Yet the government has not taken sufficient steps to halt the repression of and discrimination against religious believers, including the indigenous Coptic Orthodox Christians, or, in many cases, to punish those responsible for violence or other severe violations of religious freedom. The government also has not taken adequate steps to combat widespread and virulent anti-Semitism in the government-controlled media. On a positive note, in January 2008, Cairo’s Court of Administrative Justice overturned the ban on providing official identity documents to members of the Baha’i faith by allowing Baha’is to put “other,” dashes (--), or not list their religious affiliation at all on their identity documents. There was also increased public space to discuss and debate a wide range of religious freedom concerns in the media and other public fora, which, in previous years, was discouraged and prevented by Egyptian authorities. Nevertheless, due to persistent, serious concerns, Egypt remains on the Commission’s Watch List and will continue to be monitored to determine if the situation rises to a level that warrants designation as a “country of particular concern,” or CPC.

Egypt has a poor overall human rights record that includes repressive practices that seriously violate freedom of thought, conscience, and religion or belief. The government maintains tight control over all Muslim religious institutions, including mosques and religious endowments, which are encouraged to promote an officially sanctioned interpretation of Islam. According to Egyptian officials, the government regulates these Muslim institutions and activities as a necessary precaution against religious extremism and terrorism. The state appoints and pays the salaries of all Sunni Muslim imams, all mosques must be licensed by the government, and sermons are monitored by the government.

Human rights organizations inside the country are seriously concerned that Islamist extremism is advancing in Egypt , with detrimental effects on the prospects for democratic reform, religious tolerance, and the rights of women, girls, and members of religious minorities. Some believe that the government is not acting to its fullest ability to counteract this problem, especially in the areas of public education and the media, where extremist influence is growing.

There is continued prosecution in state security courts and imprisonment for those accused of “unorthodox” Islamic religious beliefs or practices that insult the three “heavenly religions”: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Article 98(f) of the Penal Code, which prohibits citizens from “ridiculing or insulting heavenly religions or inciting sectarian strife,” has been applied to prosecute alleged acts by purportedly “unorthodox” Muslims. These include Muslim groups, such as the Koranists—a very small group in Egypt that does not accept as authentic neither hadith, the oral traditions of the life of the Prophet Muhammad, nor Sunna, accounts of the way the Prophet Muhammad lived his life—who are accused of practicing beliefs thought to deviate from Islamic law. In May 2007, five members of an extended family belonging to the Koranists were arrested in Cairo . The detainees included Abdellatif Muhammad Said, who had been working on a Web site promoting reformist views of Islam, and Amr Tharwat, an employee of a pro-democracy center headed by one of Egypt ’s most well-known human rights and political reform advocates, Saad Eddin Ibrahim. One of the detainees claimed physical abuse while in detention. In October 2007, all five men were released. The government never stated precisely the charges against them, although a press report said that they had faced charges of “denigrating religions.”

In February 2007, a court in Alexandria convicted and sentenced Abdel Karim Suleiman, a 22 year-old Internet blogger and former student at Al-Azhar University , to four years in prison, including three years for blaspheming Islam and inciting sectarian strife and one year for criticizing Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Suleiman had used his blog to criticize some activities of Al-Azhar University and the attacks on Coptic Christians in Alexandria in October 2005. In March 2007, an appeals court upheld his sentence. In December 2004, 13 “unorthodox” Muslims were referred to trial by a State Emergency Court on charges of “insulting heavenly religions”; their status remains unknown.

The Emergency Law, which has been in effect since 1981 and was renewed for another two years in May 2006, restricts many human rights, including freedom of religion or belief as well as freedom of expression, assembly, and association. The law must be extended again before May 2008 or it will expire. During his 2005 presidential campaign for a fifth six-year term, President Mubarak had pledged to rescind the law; in late December 2006, Mubarak stated


that he intended to replace the Emergency Law with new anti-terror legislation. Under the Emergency Law, the security forces mistreat and torture prisoners, arbitrarily arrest and detain persons, hold detainees in prolonged pretrial detention, and occasionally engage in mass arrests. Thousands of persons have been detained without charge on suspicion of illegal terrorist or political activity; others are serving sentences after being convicted on similar charges. Egyptian and international human rights groups have asserted that the primary purpose of the State Emergency and Military Courts is to punish political activism and dissent, even when that dissent is peaceful. These courts are also used to detain and try individuals deemed by the state to have “unorthodox” or “deviant” Islamic or other religious beliefs or practices. In 2005, Egypt ’s National Human Rights Commission formally called for the Emergency Law to be lifted.

Members of Egypt ’s non-Muslim religious minorities, particularly Christians and Baha’is, report discrimination, interference, harassment, and surveillance by the Egyptian state security services. Over the past two – three years, there has been an upsurge of attacks targeting Coptic Orthodox Christians. In some cases, perpetrators have been arrested and convicted. In December 2007, Muslims and Christians clashed in the upper Egypt town of Esna , where Muslim rioters vandalized a Christian church and set fire to shops owned by Coptic Christians. Local Egyptian authorities responded by arresting more than a dozen alleged perpetrators; however, rather than charging those responsible, the authorities subsequently released them and instead provided compensation to victims of the destroyed property. In June 2007, Muslim rioters attacked two Coptic Orthodox churches, damaged Christian-owned shops, and injured seven Christians near Alexandria . In this instance, there is no indication that authorities pursued charges against those responsible. In May 2007, Egyptian security forces arrested 59 Muslims who had been accused of setting fire to Christian homes and shops in clashes over church construction. Prosecutors reportedly ordered the arrests after taking the testimony of 12 Coptic Christians who were injured in the clashes in the village of Behma , south of Cairo , in which hundreds of Christians and Muslims fought with sticks and hurled bricks and firebombs at one another. The 59 Muslims were charged with arson and spreading sectarian strife. In the weeks following the May events, the local authorities sought to arrange several reconciliation meetings but had not pursued formal charges against or prosecutions of those responsible for the violence. According to the State Department, police responded quickly in that incident to contain the violence.

In addition, Coptic Orthodox and other Christian denominations face societal intolerance and violence by Muslim extremists. Egyptian authorities have been accused of being lax in protecting the lives and property of these groups, as well as prosecuting those responsible for violent acts against them. In October 2005, Christians in Alexandria were the targets of rioting by extremists angered by the distribution of a DVD; resulting clashes left three Muslims dead and a Christian nun wounded. In February 2006, a criminal court in Alexandria sentenced a man to three years in prison for physically attacking the nun. In January 2006 near Luxor , more than a dozen Christians and Muslims were injured after clashes broke out when Muslim youths torched a house that Coptic Christians had been using as a makeshift church. According to the State Department, several Muslims involved with the Luxor violence were arrested and investigated by Egyptian authorities, although all were released without charges in May 2007.

In April 2006, three Coptic Christian churches in Alexandria were attacked on Palm Sunday by a Muslim man, resulting in the death of one Christian and the wounding of approximately a dozen others. In the three days of demonstrations that followed the attacks, rioting broke out, leaving one Muslim man dead and almost 40 Christians and Muslims injured. Some groups blamed excessive police force for some of the injuries to both Muslims and Christians. According to the Interior Ministry, the man who attacked the churches was caught and is being held; he is believed to be “mentally unstable.” At least 100 persons were detained in response to these events, some for questioning and others on suspicion of incitement to riot and taking part in the riot. A People’s Assembly fact-finding committee was formed to investigate the incident and report its findings; as of this writing, the committee had not yet released its findings publicly.

Violent attacks on Christian communities over the years have resulted in very few prosecutions of perpetrators, including the 2004 Court of Cassation decision to uphold the acquittal of 94 of 96 suspects who were charged with various offenses in connection with the killing of 21 Christians in Al-Kosheh in late 1999 and early 2000. Some Egyptian human rights advocates believe that Egyptian authorities should investigate claims of police negligence and inadequate prosecution of those involved in the violence.

In addition to violence, Christians face official and societal discrimination. Although Egyptian government officials claim that there is no law or policy that prevents Christians from holding senior positions, the Coptic Orthodox Christian community faces de facto discrimination in appointments to high-level government and military posts. There are only a handful of Christians in the upper ranks of the security services and armed forces. There is one Christian governor out of 26, one elected member of parliament out of 444 seats, no known university presidents or deans, and very few legislators or judges. According to the State Department, public university training programs for Arabic-language teachers exclude non-Muslims because the curriculum involves the study of the Koran. Under Egyptian law, Muslim men can marry Christian women but Muslim women are prohibited from marrying Christian men. Romantic relationships across this divide are often a source of tension between Muslim and Christian communities in Egypt . In February 2007, Muslim groups reportedly set fire to several Christian-owned shops in southern Egypt due to rumors of a relationship between a Muslim woman and a Coptic Christian man. Seven Muslims and one Coptic Christian were arrested on suspicion of taking part in arson attacks on Christian-owned stores and property.

For all Christian groups, government permission must still be sought to build a new church or repair an existing one, and the approval process for church construction is time consuming and inflexible. President Mubarak continues to have the authority to approve applications for new construction of churches and more than 100 applications to build new churches await his decision. Though most of these applications were submitted more than five years ago, the majority have not received a response. Even some permits that have been approved cannot, in fact, be acted upon because of interference by the state security services at both the local and national levels. In December 2005, President Mubarak signed Decree 291 transferring authority for renovating or repairing existing churches from the president to the country’s 26 governors. Although initially viewed as a welcome step, more than two years later,


several churches continue to face significant delays in receiving permits and some local authorities continue to prevent maintenance and renovation of existing churches.

Although neither the Constitution nor the Penal Code prohibits proselytizing or conversion, the State Department has observed that the Egyptian government uses the Penal Code to discourage proselytizing by non-Muslims. Article 98(f) of the Code is used frequently to prosecute alleged acts of proselytism by non-Muslims. Known converts from Islam to Christianity generally receive attention from the state security services; most conversions are therefore reportedly done privately. Egyptian government officials have stated that no law prevents conversion, but some individuals have been arrested for falsifying identity documents following conversion. In some instances, converts, who fear government harassment if they officially register their change in religion from Islam to Christianity, reportedly have altered their own identification cards and other official documents to reflect their new religious affiliation.

In February 2008, in an important case, Egypt ’s highest court reversed a lower court’s ruling prohibiting citizens from returning to Christianity after converting to Islam. However, in this case of 12 people allowed to return to Christianity, the court ruled that while their religious affiliation on identity documents can be changed to “Christian,” the documents must also refer to each individual as a “formerly declared Muslim,” thus potentially opening a new justification for police harassment and/or continued prejudicial treatment by officials responsible for providing public services, as well as societal violence. This potentially positive development may be short-lived, however. In March 2008, an Egyptian judge appealed the February ruling to the Supreme Constitutional Court to review the constitutionality of Article 47, which guarantees “freedom of opinion,” the law cited by the Supreme Administrative Court that allowed the 12 converts to Islam to return to Christianity. The appeal requests that the Constitutional Court rule on whether or not Article 47 contradicts Article 2, which makes Islamic law the principal source of legislation. As of this writing, the appeal is pending.

In contrast to these re-conversion cases, the Egyptian government generally does not recognize conversions of Muslims to other religions. In a ruling in January 2008, an Egyptian court denied the right of Mohammed Hegazy to change his identity card to reflect his conversion to Christianity from Islam. Citing Article 2 of the Egyptian constitution, which says that Islamic law is the principal source of legislation, the judge ruled that since Hegazy was born Muslim and Islam is the “final and most complete religion,” he could not convert to another, allegedly less “complete” belief, such as Christianity. Hegazy, who has been subjected to death threats for trying to exercise the right to choose his religion freely, is the first convert to Christianity to sue the Egyptian government for officially rejecting his application to change his religious affiliation on identity documents.

In other developments, in late November 2007, police in Qena arrested Siham Ibrahim Muhammad Hassan al-Sharqawi, a Muslim convert to Christianity who had been in hiding since 2003. She was interrogated for four days and threatened with beatings. According to press reports, her whereabouts have been unknown since November 27, though she may have been released and gone into hiding. In August 2007, two representatives of the Canadian-based Middle East Christian Association (MECA) were detained and charged with insulting Islam and tarnishing Egypt ’s reputation abroad. One of those detained had apparently conducted an online


interview with Muhammad Hegazy, the above-mentioned convert from Islam to Christianity, only days before his arrest. The two men were eventually released after 90 days in detention. In early November, three other employees of MECA were detained after they were reportedly investigating the death of a Christian man allegedly killed by Egyptian police. They were released without charge in late December. In April 2007, Egyptian authorities released Baha Al-Accad, a citizen who was born Muslim but converted to Christianity. Accad was detained in April 2005, acquitted by a court for “contempt of religion,” subsequently released, detained again in 2006, and transferred to a prison in Wadi Natroun, where he was held for more than two years without charge. He was reportedly threatened by authorities upon his release.

All Baha’i institutions and community activities have been banned since 1960 by a presidential decree. As a result, Baha’is are unable to meet and engage in group religious activities. Over the years, Baha’is have been arrested and imprisoned because of their religious beliefs, often on charges of insulting Islam. Almost all Baha’i community members are known to the state security services, and many are regularly subject to surveillance and other forms of harassment. Al-Azhar’s Islamic Research Center has issued fatwas (religious edicts) in recent years urging the continued ban on the Baha’i community and condemning Baha’is as apostates. There has been increased intolerance of Baha’is in both the independent and government-controlled media in recent years.

In a positive development, in January 2008, Cairo’s Court of Administrative Justice overturned the ban on providing official identity documents to members of the Baha’i faith by allowing Baha’is to put “other,” dashes (--), or not list their religious affiliation at all on identity documents. The Egyptian government’s requirement that religious affiliation be included on national identity cards has particularly affected the Baha’i community, as it has been the case up until this ruling that only the three “heavenly religions” (Islam, Christianity, and Judaism) are recognized and protected under the Constitution. Although no such limitation appears in the Constitution itself, the state has interpreted the text in this way because only three religions are recognized in Islam. Since “Muslim, Jew, or Christian” are the only choices, Baha’is have been prevented from obtaining identity cards, which are needed for many basic transactions, such as opening a bank account, buying a car, or obtaining a driver’s license. Moreover, the Egyptian government has made it illegal to be in public without an identity card. Because the Baha’i faith is banned, the community also has difficulty obtaining birth and death certificates, as well as obtaining or renewing passports. If fully implemented, this new ruling could potentially address one of the longstanding discriminatory polices related to freedom of religion or belief for Baha’is in Egypt . In April 2008, a press report indicated that the Egyptian Ministry of Interior decided not to appeal the January verdict, but planned to weaken it such that Baha’is would have the option only of putting dashes (--) in the religious affiliation section, and not writing “other” or leaving the section blank.

There have been attempts in the past to address this issue. In April 2006, a lower Egyptian administrative court ruled that a Baha’i couple should be permitted to identify their religious affiliation on official government documents. This positive development proved short-lived, as the Interior Ministry appealed the ruling following the advice of religious authorities and some parliamentary members. A higher court suspended the original decision in May 2006, creating a renewed sense of insecurity in the Baha’i community. In August 2006, Egypt ’s


National Council for Human Rights (NCHR), a government-appointed advisory body, held an unprecedented public symposium in Cairo focused solely on the Egyptian government’s policy requiring citizens to list their religion on national identification cards. At the symposium, human rights and civil society groups testified that the Egyptian government should reverse its policy. Nevertheless, in December 2006, the Supreme Administrative Court upheld the Egyptian government’s discriminatory policy of prohibiting members of the Baha’i community from obtaining national identity cards. Because Baha’is were forced to choose between claiming adherence to a religion other than their own or foregoing an identity card and other official documents, the court’s ruling effectively denied Egyptian Baha’is their rights as citizens of Egypt and subjected them to particular hardship in obtaining education, employment, and social services. The recent law requiring all citizens to carry new, computerized identity cards means that those who do not carry them face detention and arrest. Although no such arrests have been made, in 2005 – 2006, a Baha’i was dismissed from a job and at least two Baha’is (a student and lecturer) were expelled from universities because they were unable to obtain identity cards.

Material vilifying Jews—with both historical and new anti-Semitic stereotypes—appears regularly in the state-controlled and semi-official media. This material includes anti-Semitic cartoons, television programming such as a 24-part series based on the notorious anti-Semitic “Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” and spurious Holocaust denial literature. Egyptian authorities have not taken adequate steps to combat anti-Semitism in the media, despite official claims that they have advised journalists to avoid anti-Semitism. Human rights groups also cite persistent, virulent anti-Semitism in the education system, which is increasingly under the influence of Islamist extremists, a development the Egyptian government has not adequately addressed. The small Jewish community maintains and owns its property and performs required maintenance largely financed through private donations. In November 2007, the American Jewish Committee announced that representatives had recently met in Cairo with Egyptian government officials to discuss the preservation of Jewish heritage in Egypt . Egyptian authorities, including the Minister of Culture and the head of the Ministry’s Supreme Council of Antiquities, pledged to move forward over the next few years with the restoration of the seven synagogues under the Council’s supervision as well as the possible development of a Jewish museum in Egypt .

After several years of close surveillance, authorities increased repressive measures in late 2005 and early 2006 against the small community of Jehovah’s Witnesses, who are not recognized by the Egyptian government. After a period of improved conditions and a significant decrease in harassment and abuse by government officials in 2006, the number of interrogations by Egypt’s state security services of Jehovah’s Witnesses increased in 2007 and early 2008. In particular, one member of the state security services in Cairo has increasingly used intimidation and threats of physical abuse to extract information about co-religionists. Jehovah’s Witnesses in Egypt continued to pursue legal recognition but have not made any significant progress with Egyptian authorities in the past year.

The Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist political groups, which advocate or seek to establish an Islamic state in Egypt based on their interpretation of Islamic law, are considered illegal organizations by the Egyptian government under a law prohibiting political parties based on religion. Despite these restrictions, the Muslim Brotherhood has become more visible in Egypt ’s political landscape. In fact, more than 100 members of the Muslim Brotherhood ran as


independent candidates in the December 2005 parliamentary elections and won 88 seats, up significantly from their previous 15. The Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist political groups have used violence in the past to achieve their aims, including the assassination of President Anwar al-Sadat in 1981 and attacks on foreign tourists. Some of these groups persist in advocating violence. Egyptian security forces continue to arrest hundreds of suspected Islamists every year, and some are subject to torture and/or prolonged detention without charge. According to Egyptian and international human rights groups, at any given time, there are several thousand political detainees, including members of the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist political groups, in administrative detention and their cases are not being investigated. Most groups that closely monitor the detention of such individuals claim that the vast majority of these prisoners are in prison as a result of their political beliefs or activities, and not on the basis of religion.

On a positive note, in November 2005, the National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) announced the formation of a sub-group, the “Citizenship Committee,” to focus on religious freedom issues. As a result, the NCHR’s 2006 and 2007 annual reports contained increased reporting on religious freedom concerns. Issues addressed in the most recent report included the situation of Baha’is, problems facing Jehovah’s Witnesses, violence targeting Christians, and the need for the government to pass a law on the construction of new places of worship for all religious groups.

Throughout the past year, the Commission continued to meet with representatives of the various religious communities in Egypt , as well as with human rights organizations, academics, and other experts. In July 2004, a Commission delegation traveled to Egypt . While there, the delegation met with senior government officials, religious leaders, human rights groups, scholars, educators, legal specialists, and others active in civil society. In June 2005, the Commission released a Policy Focus brief on Egypt at an event at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington , DC . The Policy Focus on Egypt provided details about the Commission’s visit to Egypt and presented recommendations for U.S. policy.

In February 2008, the Commission issued a statement calling on the Egyptian government to respect the judicial rulings on identity cards for Baha’is and Christian converts, as discussed above. In June 2007, the Commission issued statements expressing concern about the May and June detention of five Koranists, and an appeal to the highest Egyptian court by 45 Coptic Christians requesting that their national identity cards officially recognize their return to Christianity. In May 2007, the Commission met in Washington , DC with the Deputy Chair of the Egyptian National Council for Human Rights to discuss ongoing religious freedom concerns in Egypt . Also in May, then-Commission Vice Chair Nina Shea testified at a Members’ briefing of the Task Force on International Religious Freedom of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus entitled “Religious Freedom in Egypt: Recent Developments.”

In November 2006, the Commission issued a statement calling for the Egyptian government to reverse its discriminatory policy on national identity cards. In December, the Commission expressed deep regret over a decision by the Supreme Administrative Court of Egypt to uphold the Egyptian government’s discriminatory policy of prohibiting Baha’is from obtaining national identity cards. In January 2006, the Commission wrote to Secretary of State


Condoleezza Rice requesting that the United States urge President Mubarak to prevent the imminent deportation of hundreds of refugees and asylum seekers back to Sudan , where many of them reportedly faced religious persecution. Approximately 3,000 Sudanese had been staging a peaceful protest in Cairo since September 2005. In late December 2005, Egyptian police attempted to disperse the assembly by firing water cannons at the protesters and beating many; at least 25 men, women, and children died.

In July 2005, then-Commission Vice Chair Felice D. Gaer testified before a Members’ Briefing of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus entitled, “The Human Rights Situation in Egypt: An Overview.” In November 2005, Commissioner Elizabeth H. Prodromou testified before the Congressional Human Rights Caucus at a hearing entitled “Religious Freedom in Egypt .” Also in July 2005, House Resolution 413 was introduced, expressing the concern of the House of Representatives that the amount of U.S. foreign assistance provided to Egypt over the past 25 years has increased despite the lack of any meaningful political reforms by the government of Egypt . The resolution contains a significant number of the Commission’s recommendations with regard to Egypt .

I. Taking Most Responsibility for Religious Affairs Out of the Hands of the Egyptian Security Services

The Commission recommends that the U.S. government urge the Egyptian government to:

�� remove de facto responsibility for religious affairs from the state security services, with the exception of cases involving violence or the advocacy of violence;

�� repeal the state of emergency, in existence since 1981, in order to allow for the full consolidation of the rule of law in Egypt ;

�� implement procedures that would ensure that all places of worship are subject to the same transparent, non-discriminatory, and efficient regulations regarding construction and maintenance, and take special measures to preserve Coptic Orthodox and other Christian properties and antiquities, which too often are subject to societal violence and official neglect;

�� repeal Article 98(f) of the Penal Code, which “prohibits citizens from ridiculing or insulting heavenly religions or inciting sectarian strife”; allow for full access to the constitutional and international guarantees of the rule of law and due process for those individuals charged with violating Article 98(f); and release Internet blogger Abdel Karim Suleiman and other individuals convicted under Article 98(f) on account of their religion or belief.

II. Implementing Additional Reform in Order to Comply with International Human Rights Standards

The U.S. government should also urge the Egyptian government to:


�� repeal a 1960 presidential decree banning members of the Baha’i community from practicing their faith;


exclude from all educational textbooks any language or images that promote enmity, intolerance, hatred, or violence toward any group of persons based on faith, gender, ethnicity, or nationality, and include in school curricula, textbooks, and teacher training the concepts of tolerance and respect for human rights, including religious freedom, ensuring that textbooks meet the standards set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;


�� cease all messages of hatred and intolerance, particularly toward Jews and Baha’is, in the government-controlled media and take active measures to promote understanding and respect for members of these and other minority religious communities;

�� take all appropriate steps to prevent and punish acts of anti-Semitism, including condemnation of anti-Semitic acts, and, while vigorously protecting freedom of expression, counteract anti-Semitic rhetoric and other organized anti-Semitic activities;


fully implement the January 2008 ruling of Egypt’s Court of Administrative Justice, which overturned the ban on providing official identity documents to members of the Baha’i faith by allowing Baha’is to put “other,” dashes (--), or not list their religious affiliation at all;

remove the designation “formerly declared Muslim” from identity cards for those Christians who have converted back to Christianity from Islam, which makes the persons involved vulnerable to official harassment and societal violence;


�� ensure that every Egyptian is protected against discrimination in social, labor, and other rights by modifying the national identity card either to (a) omit mention of religious affiliation from identity documents, or (b) make optional any mention of religious affiliation on identity documents, since currently, individuals must identify themselves as adherents of one of the three faiths recognized by the state—Islam, Christianity, or Judaism—or, as a result of the January 2008 ruling, put dashes (--) in the religious affiliation section;

�� more actively investigate religious-based violence against Egyptian citizens, particularly Coptic Christians, prosecute perpetrators responsible for the violence, and ensure compensation for victims;

�� investigate claims of police negligence and inadequate prosecution of those involved in the Al-Kosheh case, as well as other past instances of violence targeting individuals on account of their religion or belief, particularly members of the vulnerable Coptic Orthodox Christian community;

�� request the National Council for Human Rights to investigate allegations of discrimination against Coptic Orthodox Christians as a human rights issue and to publish its findings and recommendations; and


�� implement the 2002 recommendations of the UN Committee Against Torture, as well as other relevant international human rights treaties to which Egypt is a party.

III. Ensuring that U.S. Government Aid Promotes Prompt and Genuine Political and Legal Reforms and is Offered Directly to Egyptian Civil Society Groups

In addition, the Commission recommends that the U.S. government should:


establish a timetable for implementation of political and human rights reforms, including steps described in the recommendations above; if deadlines are not met, the U.S. government should reconsider the appropriate allocation of its assistance to the Egyptian government;



continue direct support for human rights and other civil society or non-governmental organizations (NGOs) without vetting by the Egyptian government;

urge the Egyptian government to ensure that NGOs engaged in human rights work can pursue their activities without undue government interference, and monitor and report to what extent this is accomplished; and

expand support of initiatives to advance human rights, promote religious tolerance, and foster civic education among all Egyptians, including support for:


--civic education and public awareness programs that reflect the multi-confessional nature of Egyptian society and the diversity of Egypt ’s religious past;

--efforts by Egyptian and international NGOs to review Egyptian educational curricula and textbooks for messages of hatred, intolerance, and the advocacy of violence, and to monitor equal access to education by girls and boys regardless of religion or belief; and

--preservation of Egyptian Jewish properties and antiquities in a publicly accessible site, such as in a museum, so that all Egyptians can better understand past and present Jewish contributions to their history and culture.

In the context of the annual congressional appropriation for U.S. assistance to Egypt, Congress should require the State Department to report to it annually on the extent to which the government of Egypt has made progress on the issues described in this chapter, as well as on the progress of the U.S. government on offering funding directly to Egyptian NGOs without prior Egyptian government approval.

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