Articles

• Indictments & DOJ Press Release

• GX 11-05

Further, the Treasury Department's fact sheet reveals that in 1994 high-ranking Hamas official and unindicted co-conspirator Mousa Abu Marzook "designated HLF as the primary fund-raising entity for Hamas in the United States."

• Trial Brief

• Unindicted Co-Conspirators

HLF is also mentioned in The 9/11 Commission Report in connection with the investigation of Anwar Aulaqi, an Imam in San Diego and Falls Church who allegedly had a "close relationship" with hijackers Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar. Investigators probing Aulaqi prior to 9/11 learned that he "knew individuals from the Holy Land Foundation and others involved in raising money for the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas."

And when they shut down the Global Relief Foundation, a Chicago, Illinois-based charity, for funding Al Qaeda, Treasury officials reported that "GRF received $18,521 from the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development (HLF) in 2000."

Additionally, U.S. authorities believe that HLF official Haitham Maghawri became the manager for KindHearts in Lebanon; KindHearts is a Toledo, Ohio-based charity that the Treasury Department shut down in February 2006 for funneling money to Hamas and whose fundraising efforts were coordinated by HLF official Mohammed El-Mezain. According to Treasury, "following the closure of HLF, U.S.-based Hamas leader El-Mezain transferred his fundraising skills to KindHearts."

Significantly, Treasury revealed that "information indicates that SDGT Khalid Mishaal, Hamas' Secretary General based in Damascus, Syria, identified El-Mezain as the Hamas leader for the U.S. At the time, Mishaal advised that all financial contributions to Hamas from individuals in the U.S. should be channeled through El-Mezain." The Treasury statement adds that "in October 2003, El-Mezain spoke at an event held in Baton Rouge, Louisiana where $500,000 was pledged. Though El-Mezain's speech reportedly focused almost entirely on raising funds for a new mosque in Baton Rouge, only a small amount was to be retained locally and the vast majority was to be sent to Hamas overseas."

• Exhibit GX 24-29

• Exhibit GX 3-3

• Exhibit GX 3-89

Al-Noman states, "recruitment used to take place in the following format: attending the MSA conferences and choosing active Arab elements and approaching them to join the Ikhwans. This was followed by visits to the local branches and, consequently, choosing active elements over there and approaching them to join the Ikhwans. As for the Ikhwan who came from their countries, they most probably joined the Movement specially if there were large numbers of the Ikhwan Movement who preceded them to America. Then, joining the Movement would be automatic..."

Commenting on the composition of the U.S. Brotherhood, al-Noman remarks, "at the north America's level...the vast majority of the Muslim Brotherhood here are students. Therefore, we find them very prone to change...The base changes about 70% almost every five years." Al-Noman laments that "this prevents long-term planning due to the lack of the long-term stability of the base." He further notes that "our number is limited," adding that within the population of "adherent Muslims who attend the Friday prayers," "you won't find the Ikhwans percentage in those people more than 1%..."

Moreover, when asked what he meant by a reference to "securing the group" in his speech, al-Noman responds, "Securing the Group' is...the Group's security against outside dangers. For instance, to monitor the suspicious movements on the...,which exist on the American front such as Zionism, Masonry...etc. Monitoring the suspicious movements or the sides, the government bodies such as the CIA, FBI...etc, so that we find out if they are monitoring us, are we not being monitored, how we can get rid of them." Notably, al-Noman asserts that "here in America, there is weapons training in many of the Ikhwan's camps."

Finally, al-Noman reveals that "a front is not formed until after a study and after an exhaustive study...the last front formed is the Islamic Association for Palestine."

• Exhibit GX 3-85

Akram also writes, "we are in a country which understands no language other than the language of the organizations, and one which does not respect or give weight to any group without effective, functional, and strong organizations." In this context, "the big challenge...is how to turn these seeds or 'scattered' elements into comprehensive, stable, 'settled' organizations that are connected with our Movement...and take orders from our guidance."

Note: NEFA Senior Research Fellow Doug Farah publicized a memo, written by Pentagon Joint Staff analyst Stephen Coughlin, analyzing this document. Introducing Coughlin's memo, Army Lt. Col. Joseph C. Myers, Senior Army Advisor and former head of the Defense Intelligence Agency's South America division, writes, "This assessment makes the point that the Muslim Brotherhood should be considered a threat organization and the affiliated US domestic Muslim NGOs and associations identified in the strategy document should likewise be considered part of the Muslim Brotherhood network, that these are 'front' functional organizations operating as links and nodes of the overall network." At the end of his memo, Coughlin assesses, "outreach strategies must be adjusted in the face of credible information that seeming Islamic humanitarian or professional non-governmental organizations may be part of the global jihad with potential for being part of the terrorist or insurgent support system."

The suggested amendments note that the "instructions of the International Shura Council and the Office of Guidelines in regards to the Palestinian issues through the Secretariat General, dated 8/1/1990, state the following:...2 - Giving attention to holding conferences relating to the cause of Palestine, publishing and focusing on the brutality of the Jews. 3 - Collecting of donations for the Islamic Resistance Movement from the Ikhwan and others...5 - Bringing to the media light the cause of Sheik Ahmad Yasin and his ailing condition."

• Exhibit GX 3-79

• Exhibit GX 4-1

The U.S. Muslim Brotherhood's Palestine Committee - Membership
This document lists members of the Brotherhood's Palestine Committee both within the U.S. and internationally. Notable names include those of HLF officials (Ghassan Elashi, Mohammed El-Mezain, and Shukri Abu Baker), IAP officials (Ismail Elbarasse and Yasser Bushnaq), and individuals that went on to assume leadership positions with the Council on American-Islamic Relations (Nihad Awad and Omar Ahmad, who is identified as 'Omar Yeheya in this document. This excerpt from the Unindicted Co-Conspirator filing identifies Omar Ahmed and Omar Yeheya as the same individual.)

• Occupied Land Fund (The Holy Land Foundation was first incorporated as the Occupied Land Fund)
• Holy Land Foundation (Texas, New Jersey)
• Islamic Association for Palestine (California, Texas) (Note that IAP was co-founded by HLF official Ghassan Elashi)
• American Middle Eastern League for Palestine (AMELP) (IAP did business as AMELP)
• Al-Aqsa Educational Fund
• Infocom
• United Association for Studies and Research

It is worth highlighting Abdulrahman Alamoudi's involvement with UASR. Alamoudi, who was a member of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood, was the founder and former executive director of the American Muslim Council (AMC), the founder of the American Muslim Foundation (AMF), and an influential member in the American Muslim community. He admitted involvement in a plot to assassinate Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah and, according to the Treasury Department, "had a close relationship with al Qaida." Treasury reports that Alamoudi "raised money for al Qaida in the United States" and that his September 2003 "was a severe blow" to the group. Alamoudi pled guilty to engaging in illegal financial dealings with Libya and is serving 23 years in prison. Notably, the U.S. government's witness list indicated Alamoudi would "testify about the Muslim Brotherhood and the defendants' involvement" with the organization. However, Alamoudi did not end up testifying.

Also note that Mousa Abu Marzook's name appears on UASR's Articles of Incorporation.

According to DOJ, UASR "was designed for ideological research and development intended to promote a fundamentalist view of the Palestinian issue. The UASR was also involved in passing Hamas communiques to the United States-based Muslim Brotherhood community and relaying messages from that community back to
Hamas."

• Exhibit GX 1-193

A number of HLF employees, including Ayman Ismail and Mohamed El-Shorbagi, have already been subject to U.S. government enforcement action. Ismail was deported in August 2004; the accompanying ICE press release states, "Ismail claimed he was merely a Web site designer. However, documents seized from HLF showed he also had a significant role in fund raising." In February 2007, El-Shorbagi was sentenced to 7 years, 8 months in prison after pleading guilty to providing material support to Hamas. A DOJ press release notes that El-Shorbagi, a Georgia representative for HLF, "attended HLF meetings at which high-level HAMAS officials made presentations condemning Israel." Moreover, he "hosted high-level HAMAS officials at the Rome, Georgia mosque at which he served as imam." As part of his plea deal, he will "testify about the HLF and IAP, and their relationship to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood." Shorbagi was not called to testify in the HLF trial.

• OLF's IRS 1023
• OLF's Letter 1045
• OLF IRS 990 - 1989 (scanned upside down)
• OLF IRS 990 - 1990
• OLF IRS 990 - 1991
• HLF IRS 990 - 1992
• HLF IRS 990 - 1993. As highlighted below, this document states that Hamas leader Mousa Abu Marzook gave HLF $210,000 between 1989 and 1992.
• HLF IRS 990 - 1994
• HLF IRS 990 - 1995
• HLF IRS 990 - 1996
• HLF IRS 990 - 1997
• HLF IRS 990 - 1998
• HLF IRS 990 - 2000 (via the NEFA Foundation)

Marzook also wrote checks to Abu Baker and HLF officials Mohamed El-Mezain and Ghassan Elashi.

Checks to Baker were written for $128; $139; $150; $243; and $1,200. A document summarizing the $1,886 Marzook transferred to Abu Baker is here.

El-Mezain received checks for $247; $1,000; $2,000; $2,000; $2,000; $2,000; $4,000; $5,000; and $5,000; in total, Marzook transferred $23,287 to El-Mezain. Significantly, El-Mezain and Marzook are cousins, according to the HLF indictment.

Finally, Marzook sent $2,309 to Ghassan Elashi.

Moreover, this document shows the $93,778 Marzook transferred to AMELP incorporator Ismail Elbarasse.

In July 2004, Ghassan Elashi, Bayan Elashi, Basman Elashi, Hazim Elashi, Ihsan Elashi, and Infocom were convicted for conspiring to violate the Export Administration Regulations and the Libyan Sanctions Regulations. The brothers were also convicted of conspiracy to file false Shipper's Export Declaration forms.

Then, in April 2005, Bayan, Ghassan, Basman and Infocom were convicted for engaging in prohibited financial transactions with a Specially Designated Terrorist and conspiring to commit money laundering. That Specially Designated Terrorist was Mousa Abu Marzook, who is married to their cousin, Nadia Elashi. A joint Nadia Elashi-Marzook bank account can be seen here and here.

The second indictment charged that "Marzook entered into a Murabaha agreement, or an Islamic contract, to invest $250,000 in the Marzook's wife, Nadia Elashi...The agreement, reached in or around March 1993, called for regular payments from Infocom based on the company's net profit/loss." Prosecutors have displayed checks from Infocom to Nadia Elashi for $3,000; $3,000; $3,000; and $6,000.

Furthermore, $10,000 and $40,000 payments from Infocom's predecessor, International Computers and Communication (ICC), to Marzook are here and here, while $50,000 checks from Marzook to ICC are here and here (scanned upside down). And ICC wrote a $50,000 check to Marzook's personal secretary, Nasser al-Khatib.

A summary of these transactions is here.

Prosecutors entered into evidence a 1991 UASR study on Hamas with a forward by Mohamed Al-Hanooti and an interview with Hamas leader Ahmad Yassin. A government filing identifies Al-Hanooti as a member of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood's Palestine Committee.

Federal prosecutors have introduced additional evidence highlighting the ties between IAP and HLF. This advertisement (Arabic and English) in a publication from the IAP Information Office solicits donations for the Occupied Land Fund, while this ad (Arabic and English) in IAP's Al-Zaitounah requests donations for HLF. Additional Occupied Land Fund advertisements can be seen in this November-December 1989 issue of IAP's Ila Filastine. The text of one article, honoring the "martyr" Abdullah Azzam (see more on Azzam below), states, "...we remind our brothers and sisters, the Muslims of North America, that they can express their faithfulness to the blood of our hero martyr...through the support to the Occupied Land Fund..." Still another HLF ad can be seen in this February 1993 issue of IAP's Al-Zaitounah.

HLF's 2001 advertising expenditures on IAP publications, as well as on an array of other publications, are viewable here. Other HLF advertising expenditures on IAP publications are here.

And prosecutors have produced checks OLF/HLF wrote to IAP for $1,035; $1,385; and $2,750. A $40,000 transfer between the two organization can be seen here, while in this communication IAP requests payment of $39,688 from HLF. Moreover, prosecutors have released checks OLF wrote to the American Middle Eastern League for Palestine (IAP did business as AMELP) for $5,000; $6,027; and $7,000.

In total, between 1989 and 2001, HLF transferred $249,230 to IAP.

In this speech at the IAP conference, Azzam counseled, "O, people of Palestine, it is time for you to pledge death. Live with self-respect or die honorably between piercing lances and fluttering flags." In a similar vein, he said, "O children of Palestine, no retreat after today...It is time...for you to rise to the level of preparation, martyrdom and seriousness. And, by God, seriousness and desire for death will only add life and honor to you...the life that the God of glory has referred to...is the Jihad..." Azzam also said, "the Jihad with one's own life and the jihad with the money, they are both obligations." He continued, "the donation of money is a sunna of the Chosen One...it is an obligation that came down from the top of the seven levels. Come, light and heavy, and commit jihad with your possessions and your lives in the cause of God..."

Along with Usama bin Laden, whom he mentored, Azzam co-founded Makhtab al-Khidamat, considered the "precursor organization to al Qaida." What's more, according to the U.S. government, Azzam is "regarded as a historical leader of HAMAS..."

The prosecution has entered into evidence an IAP poster highlighting the "One Year Anniversary of [Yassin's] Imprisonment" from May 18, 1989 to May 18, 1990. That poster labels Yassin a "clergyman" and alleges that he "went through body torture" in Israeli custody. IAP also published a biography of Yassin, which was drawn from palestine-info.net, a Hamas website.

Finally, the memo concludes by stating "we stress to our brothers the need to stand behind this blessed Islamic action so that God the Almighty make it, or make available to us through it, a field for Jihad in which we teach the enemies of God the lessons of prophets and Mujahideen in triumphing over them or martyring for the sake of God."

In this October 12, 1994 document, the IAP Information Office provides a "Special Report about the Kidnapping of a Zionist Solider by the (Hamas) Movement," while this October 16, 1994 IAP report offers an overview of various events involving Hamas. 

This flyer shows that al-Kouka appeared along with Ahmad Al-Qattan. Al-Qattan recently delivered a speech honoring Ahmad Yassin.

The speaker continues, "Our brothers or sisters in Muslim Palestine are performing Jihad for the sake of God in order to purify our holy land from the filth of the Jews, the enemies of God...The least we can do is to join them from here with our feelings and sentiments and to live their cause with them, which is not their cause alone, but it is the cause of every Muslim, a cause that is [UI] in our creed, as the Chosen One...said: 'The Hour will not come until the Muslims fight the Jews and the Muslims will kill them, until the Jews hide behind the trees and rocks and the trees and rock will say, 'O Muslim, O Servant of God, Here are the Jews, Come and kill them!' except the Gharqad Tree because it is a tree of the Jews."

Significantly, all three CAIR incorporators - Omar Ahmad, Nihad Awad, and Rafeeq Jaber - have held senior positions at IAP. In a 2000 article, Nihad Awad provided this background: "After the Gulf War was over, I was offered a job with the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP) as their public relations director...my responsibility was to explain the Palestinian experience to the public and the media. In this effort I worked closely with IAP president Omar Ahmad. Omar...had the insight to realize that the central issue facing the Muslim community in the United States was not being addressed. The core challenge, that of stereotyping and defamation, was having a devastating effect on our children and paralyzing adults from taking their due roles in civic affairs. Omar suggested to me that we leave the IAP and concentrate on combating anti-Muslim discrimination nationwide. He proposed that I move to Washington D.C., where any effective national effort would have to be based, while he tried to raise the seed money for the project." (Note: In this undated intercepted telephone conversation between Abdelhaleem Ashqar and Omar Ahmad, the two men discuss an appearance Awad made on CNN "Crossfire" as an IAP spokesman.) Rafeeq Jaber has also served as IAP President.

Further, highlighting the incestuous ties amongst the alleged Hamas front groups in the U.S., HLF and IAP official Ghassan Elashi was a founding Board Member of CAIR-Texas, while HLF Board Member Riad Abdelkarim served as an official with CAIR's California branch. And CAIR Research Director Mohamed Nimer previously served on UASR's Board of Directors. What's more, the co-founder of CAIR's New Jersey office, Magdy Mahmoud, has served on the Muslim Arab Youth Association's (MAYA) national Executive Board and chaired its Chapters Committee; federal prosecutors have identified MAYA as a member of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood.

CAIR has been a vociferous defender of the members of the alleged Hamas network. This transcript of an August 1995 intercepted phone call between Shukri Abu Baker and Ghassan Elashi documents CAIR's efforts to support Mousa Abu Marzook during his U.S. detention (see p. 12). And, following the FBI's September 2001 raid of Infocom, CAIR's Nihad Awad appeared at a press conference outside Infocom headquarters to blast the government's actions as an "anti-Muslim witch hunt." Similarly, following the U.S. government shut down of HLF in December 2001, CAIR released a statement that said, "We ask that President Bush reconsider what we believe is an unjust and counterproductive move that can only damage America's credibility with Muslims in this country and around the world and could create the impression that there has been a shift from a war on terrorism to an attack on Islam." On the same page, CAIR reprinted HLF's statement proclaiming its innocence. CAIR has also defended HLF employees, as evidenced by this CAIR Dallas-Fort Worth press release about Ayman Ismail, which charges that "a few government agents...are abusing their positions of authority to whip up anti-Muslim hysteria within our community."

Omar Ahmad and Nihad Awad are listed in this document as members of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood's Palestine Committee. Ahmad and Awad also attended the 1993 meeting of the Palestine Committee in Philadelphia. And minutes from a 1994 meeting of the Palestine Committee discuss "suggestions to develop [the] work" of CAIR, IAP, HLF, and UASR. Further, in response to an amicus brief filed by CAIR, the Department of Justice noted in its memorandum that "striking CAIR's name from the attachment to the Trial Brief will not prevent its conspiratorial involvement with HLF, and others affiliated with Hamas, from becoming a matter of public record."

Despite CAIR's track record, federal, state, and local law enforcement have regularly received "diversity training" from CAIR. 

Moreover, "For Hamas' support network in the United States (the Palestinian Committee), the signing of the Oslo Accords and America's brokering of the agreement presented a difficult challenge. The Oslo Accords had provided a degree of public expectation for a peaceful resolution to the historic conflict. In order for the Palestinian Committee to fulfill its mandate of assisting and strengthening Hamas, it would have to be much more cautious and organized in its efforts, so as to avoid overt alignment with a group now dedicated undermining the American-backed peace process."

It was in this environment that "in October 1993, less than one month after the public signing of the Oslo Accords, approximately 20 members of the Palestinian Committee gathered together in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania to discuss how best to proceed in light of the Oslo Accords."

Indicted HLF officials Shukri Abu Baker, Ghassan Elashi, and Mufid Abdulqader attended, while Mohamed El-Mezain was invited but was ill. These hotel receipts document the presence of HLF fundraiser Abdel Jabbar Hamdan, Ghassan Saleh, Muin Shabib, Hasan Sabri, Riad Ahmed, Abdul-Rahman Baraksi, and Omar Ahmad. The receipts also show that Hasan Sabri of the IAP Information Services was responsible for paying for the function room.   

The FBI learned of the Philadelphia meeting through its investigation of unindicted co-conspirator Abdelhaleem Ashqar and obtained a warrant to monitor the three day gathering.

A significant portion of the conversation is spent talking about the best format for the conference. Ahmad asks, "should we ask every organization...to present a paper on behalf of his organization?...for instance, the people of the Association [IAP], we are four or five. All of us should try to organize our thoughts and one of [us] would come and present a paper, to see what he believes, the strategy and what is the situation of the work in the future. For instance, the same thing for the Fund, the same thing for Al Aqsa, too." Abu Baker responds, "my opinion is to designate people to write" because "it is essential to know what the future of the charitable and national organizations under the self rule area will be. At least, even if theoretically...from the legality standpoint, what can happen to them."

When the discussion shifts to the invite list, Ahmad asks about inviting Abdel Aziz Sidiqui, "the Sudanese brother." Abu Baker replies, "I'm just with the original idea that we limit the number. We don't know necessarily have to bring everyone who is working because is strategic planning." He continues, "A large number...will be suspicious and...will attract attention."

Reflecting similar concerns, Abu Baker expresses his desire that "this meeting will be an open presentation...so that some[one] walks into us from the street and hears the talk, he will not..." Abu Baker adds, "Because, you have talk about the organizations and you need to work properly."

The men also review basic logistics. For example, Ahmad says, "we should make reservation. I heard that, by Friday, they have 45 percent, discount on some of the routes, not all the routes." And Ahmad notes, "we will be near the airport...and...there is a shuttle bus...to the hotel."

During this conversation, Abu Baker also asks his friends for advice on whether he should agree to deliver a sermon "about this subject." He warns, "I can't get up on the pulpit and be a hypocrite...I will go up and deliver the sermon and it could be because of a Friday sermon that one gets the Foundation in grave trouble." Ahmad cautions, "a quotation from You can be used ten years later." (Ironically, CAIR's Nihad Awad is still haunted by comments he made at a 1994 event, when he declared, "I am in support of the Hamas movement more than the PLO.)

Then, in this undated intercepted telephone conversation between Abdelhaleem Ashqar and Omar Ahmad (a.k.a. Omar Yehya), the two men discuss which invitees will be attending. Ashqar states, "you are looking at twenty-three or twenty-six" attendees. (Note: CAIR, the organization Ahmad would go on to co-found, has been a passionate defender of Ashqar during his legal battles. For example, this CAIR-Chicago press release states, "Through its targeting of Mr. Salah and Dr. Ashqar, the Bush administration has attempted to criminalize charitable aid to Palestinians...The defendants are neither terrorists nor criminals for having supplied charitable aid to the most vulnerable factions of their occupied and war-raved country of origin, Palestine." This year Ashqar was acquitted of racketeering conspiracy charges related to supporting Hamas but convicted of obstruction of justice and criminal contempt.)

He then lays out the consequences of the Accords: "You're no longer have the right to resist the occupation. All of that will be classified according to the American concept. There is no occupation now. There is an understanding and there no weapons to be carried because there is no occupation to be fought...Suffering now is on the hands of the local government. This will be classified as terrorism according to America...How are you going to perform Jihad?"

Speaking on a similar theme, Gawad says, "The resistance will continue...This will be a true problem if you deal with the resistance which will continue to fight on even against the self-rule and they are in dire need for sympathy and dealing with them...You must formulate the position of the Palestinians and the Muslims here in America to support the resistance...That's a problem by itself. In the same time, not falling under the accusations of terrorism and those who harbor terrorism or tend to according to the American...How can we carry two...at the same time? This, really, is a true problem."

In his presentation, Gawad also advises, "Following up on the issues of the self-rule should be on two axises...The first axis you have to work on is the institutions of the self-rule as far as human rights and democracy are concerned in order to show that it is an undemocratic Authority...Also, analyzing the American sympathy...with...[the PNA]...unfortunately, our approach will be the same in dealing with the Israeli government in America...The second one relates to the final stage negotiation which is you trying to say that Israel is maneuvering, wants to postpone, plays the mouse game...if you take a hostile stand towards the self-rule, I believe that there should be a harmony between the two approaches."

Responding to the presentation, Abdelhaleem Ashqar asks, "What is the goal of the upcoming stage? Is it to derail the agreement[?]" Shukri Abu Baker chimes in, "The term 'derailment' should include resistance, you see? 'Derailment' scares me a lot as we work in organizations meant to...when we say 'derailment', it puts us in a platform bigger than what the U.S. atmosphere would tolerate."

Later, Omar Ahmad posits, "have we been able to make people view the [Palestinian National] Authority as collaborators? An Authority which doesn't care for people's interests and the interest of the national rights and the people's....This is the best success we could reach."

Ashqar notes that "What pushed me to this topic...is three consideration and several incidents. First of all, the incident of Mohamed Salah...The first result, conclusion or lesson from the incident of Mohamad Salah is that bearers of U.S. passports are not above the reach of the law." (Note: Chicago resident Mohamad Salah was incarcerated in Israel from 1993-1997 for assisting Hamas. In 2007, Salah and Ashqar were acquitted in U.S. federal court of racketeering conspiracy charges related to supporting Hamas; Salah was convicted of obstruction of justice for providing false answers in a civil lawsuit.)

Ashqar continues, "The second thing is precision and caution. My brothers, with great respect for the people of America, like the Sudanese people say, America's and Canada's brothers, they see themselves as a distinctive style. They have a distinctive style in America and Canada, but the inside has its circumstances and its precautions. Therefore, precision and caution should come to play when dealing with it. Not like we deal in America where we have a legal slack or an atmosphere of freedom."

Then, Ashqar states, "The third point...is the peace accord which ended the legitimacy of the resistance of the Israelis as an occupation. This might be one of the most important results as America didn't use to condemn action against military personnel. But, now that the agreement is in place...your actions now are terrorism and not a resistance."

Assessing the current situation, Ashqar points out that "we have several institutions which support work on the inside, but still a lot remains. I will give you an example; the deportees, since December until now, not even one official delegation went [to see them] from America, not because we didn't think about it, but because there are no resources."

Turning to education, Ashqar says, "Most of the college professors are graduates from America...The issue of education and the higher studies in America is an essential issue...in order to control the institutions and in order to give political might to our brothers in the inside." Ashqar also asserts that "The effect of visiting delegations...is really an important issue, particularly in the upcoming stage. We must make people in the inside [feel] that they're not cut out like a limb from a tree, but that they have their extensions."

Further, Ashqar warns that "The entire archive in the inside might be confiscated entirely. If there was really no duplicate for it, the Movement will really come without a heritage and every movement will begin from...zero." 

And Shukri Abu Baker cautions the attendees that "the other issue...is the legal and security situation. I mean, now...you resist the entire world...The entire world is against you...No doubt, there will be legal obstacles. Three years ago, we were visited by some of our brothers...and we said 'Our brothers, think about the day Sister Samah will get divorced, when everybody rejects her and say about her that she is a terrorist'. They were saying that this will never happen." Prosecutors argue that Abu Baker used the word "Samah", which is "Hamas" spelled backwards, as a code word.

Earlier in the session, Abu Baker had admitted, "We used to have an approach which probably had a glaring color, I mean the Jihadist [address] and this and that, focus on activism even through our lectures, conferences and seminars. And maybe this address was in harmony with the current, the general current was marching in that direction. Therefore, we were marching in that direction. We used to tell the Islamic and the Palestinian communities about the heroism of the youths in the inside." He added, "Military breeding, it was going in that direction. Now, truly, what happened is a turning point. In general, people - regardless if they're convinced or not - even he who was marching with that current, now feels that its speed stopped, slowed down or something."

According to Gawad, the first axis is "to remain a secure place for the Movement." Gawad continues, "Two, potentials from the community - specially those who speak the language and stuff like that - the Movement needs them to invest in them...We have to pay attention to his advanced mentality, this civilized [mentality], the one which understands how the world works...Three, to make this front a pressure element on the Palestinian political leadership over there. Why? In order to shape the public opinion, the enlightened class, doctors, the rich, the well-to-do, those who live in the West, those who know the Western nations, etc. The American front...will give a backing to the position of the Movement."

Gawad continues, "Four, providing services. This includes humanitarian [services]...The fifth direction is to our work in the IAP and the group which is here for Palestine should take leadership of the Palestinian political current in America..." Gawad also warns, "if financial support for them [the brothers inside] does not continue, our institutions will really stop."

In this same session, an unidentified speaker comments, "All the Jews have one religion and all infidels have one religion, regardless. I mean, they all agree on slaughtering Muslims."

Also in this session, Omar Ahmad responds to the assertion that "Israel's military is stronger than us" by acknowledging, "We couldn't destroy it."

Abou Basem states, "The first point is that it might be suitable for the charitable organizations working on the Palestinian field such as Al Quds Fund, The Holy Land [Foundation] and others to be open to other areas in the charitable work. We suggest that this new areas reach Palestinian camps in Lebanon and Jordan, for instance, and other areas...The second point is as follows; as the media attention will focus on Gaza in the near future, specially that Gaza will become the political capital in the short term first and before the [West] Bank. It is our duty then to focus our media campaign on the [West] Bank, its problems and what economic crises it suffers from."

He then argues "that one of the biggest factors for the success of media campaigns is bringing guests from inside the occupied territories. Media campaigns...are the ones the which serve the cause in the charitable and the political fronts. Friday sermons must be arranged in the mosques...." Abou Basem also advocates "start[ing] a dialogue with the U.S. and international charitable organizations, UN organizations and embarking on new joint projects in Palestine." He further complains that "the Palestinian community in Canada...doesn't have any effectiveness in doing charity work with us...They don't support the Organization or Islamic activism...No matter how we tried with them, they're busy with their daily lives and only a few of them inquire about those on the inside. Our support within the Islamic community and the most giving groups are the Indian and the Pakistani communities."

Also in this session, Shukri Abu Baker makes a highly revealing comment, admitting that "we give the Islamists $100,000 and we give others 5,000...We should never ever be agents of others but we should maintain a balance...The Foundation must stay on its legal track as far as charitable projects are concerned without going after a sentiment which could harm the Foundation legally..." Notably, federal prosecutors introduced a $5,000 check HLF wrote to assist the victims of the Oklahoma City bombing.

Shabib then lays out his "vision regarding the situation of the organizations in the coming stage under the self-rule. The relationship between us and the new Authority will be a hostile one...The possibility of the continuance of Jihad operations against the Jews, a matter which the self-rule authority won't accept."

Later in the session, an unidentified speaker says, "I wrote about a point which should be taken into consideration which is making available an official U.S. cover representing the Islamic community in general terms...This way, we can visit Palestine not as Holy Land Foundation because the Holy Land Foundation is stamped already as...er, whatever. So, if we collected a group of representatives of Islamic organizations, one from ISNA, one from ICNA and one from here and there, and formed an official delegation representing the Islamic community in America and announced in a studied format that we will be going to the Occupied Territories and Gaza in particular...to provide assistance to Islamic foundations which are already established [there]. This will achieve more than one goal: first, we exhibit the existence of an Islamic concern for the cause...secondly, we give an official cover for the existing organizations in case they got dissolved."

Abu Baker says, "some of the brothers greatly exaggerate the relationship between the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] and the Fund and that is because it is not understood...the strongest relationship we have is during the conferences and the income from the conferences does not constitute more than one sixth of the total income." Abu Baker points out that he also has a "relationship with the [Muslim Arab Youth] Association", as well as with the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA). However, Abu Baker complains that "ISNA is a hopeless case, almost a hopeless case because, for them, the cause of Palestine in the back memory."

Omar Ahmad asserts that he feels "there is something missing from the [Islamic] Association [For Palestine] and its relationship with the Fund. There is a lot missing which is the media aspect of the Fund. For instance, you meet with the community every year through the festivals...now Abou Ibrahim [Mohamed El-Mezain] is now known all over America. I don't think there is one Arab-Muslim who doesn't know him...Brother Shukri is the same thing...Even if a future problem rises where he cannot raise money during the festivals, the point is that the Fund goes out to its public and remains a point of contact for the public..."

As the focus of the conversation shifts, Abu Baker worries that "there are no studies...indicating that our consumer's services really benefit people...Even children's daycare centers...we discover that their Dawa'a value is close to zero...What have we benefited from that? The same thing applies to orphans sponsorships; we spend hundreds of thousands of dollars over this program but, there is no Dawa'a use for it...We are not re-evaluating our strategy in charity work in the first place."

He continues, "you have the issue of sponsoring the families of martyrs, you have the prisoners...those people have a direct relationship with Jihad, and they must get more money and more thought [from us]. In our letters we sent to people, we ought to place emphasis on the families of the martyrs, the prisoners, the orphans and the families of the wounded."

Later in the session, Omar Ahmad attempts to dispel a myth, stating: "there is a rumor being circulated with some people that people would like to form alternate organizations in place of the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] and the Fund and stuff. This is not true. There was a misunderstanding...There are no alternate organizations." Providing more detail, Ahmad reveals that "a suggestion was made by a Jordanian person to start an alternative, meaning that they want the organizations to form a solidarity committee for the Palestinian people and the other organizations would dissolve within it within two years. It was a suggestion made by whom? By one or two people."

Finally, the tape concludes with discussion of a familiar topic, as Muin Shabib is asked "What are the kinds of organizations which you expect will be directly hit, during the initial phase...?" Shabib responds, "in the Gaza Sector, the Islamic University will be target number one...the most important activity for the Zakat committees...is in the form of the Medical Scientific Society which now encompasses most [of] the medical activity in the West Bank...the cover is now in place." Additionally, "there are tens of organizations in the West Bank...which might be targeted directly. For instance, there are several organizations in Hebron...such as the Young Men Muslim Association, possibly the Islamic Welfare Society which is one of the organizations with notable activity."

Moreover, he advises his colleagues how to answer when asked "Are you against peace?", urging them to say, "We are not opposed to peace as a peace but we are against hypocrisy because this peace is not just...No peace without justice."

Also on this tape, Gawad, who was an active participant in this prior session, comments, "regarding the goals, I was very surprised. There is a 180-degree change in customary threatening language of the organizations regarding the Palestinian cause...You feel that it is over, that's it, we must deal with the reality and we surrendered...Issues such as steadfastness, direct support to the people of Palestine and supporting the Jihad in Palestine are now absent. Where are they? I'm really surprised." Gawad later elaborates, noting, "my opinion regarding the goals is very clear: supporting the resistance to the occupation because the occupation will continue. It won't end."

Aware of the consequences of openly stating such a position, the unidentified speaker who began the session cautions, "As an American organization, we cannot adopt this stuff or add it to our goals...in the eighties, we at the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] wrote that."

The exchange between the two men intensifies as Gawad says unabashedly, "I'm working on Jihad, support the Jihad, support the Jihad, support the resistance to the occupation." He continues, "The [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] met with the FBI in defense of Hamas. It was a clear talk then. Support to the Movement. Henceforth, do these goals mean anything?" The security conscious unidentified speaker cautions his colleague, "Keep your voice down."

Later in the tape, Shukri Abu Baker takes control of the dialogue, asking, "Is America a confrontation front? And what do we want from...from the reader of Al Zaytouna and the reader of the Monitor and from the guy who owns a store in Chicago? Do I want him to go fight or do I want to earn his sympathy so that he could donate to me..." He adds, "what do we want from the Americans? Do we want to convert them to Muslims...because the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] often does activities which sound like that of mosques; pure Islamic things."

He then tells the attendees, "our brother is telling you...'let's not hoist a large Islamic flag and let's not be barbaric-talking. We will remain a front so that if the thing happens, we will benefit from the new happenings instead of having all of our organizations classified and exposed." Expanding on his warnings about becoming too "Islamic," he says, "I was telling our brother Aboul Hassan [Abdelhaleem Ashqar] about Al Aqsa Organization. Why 'Al Aqsa Educational'?. When you go to Oxford they will ask you: 'Sir, what is Aqsa?'. Make it the 'Palestinian General Education Academy'. Make yourself a big name like that and give it a media twinkle and there is no need for Al Aqsa, Al Quds, Al Sakhra and all that stuff." (Note: Ashqar ran the Al-Aqsa Educational Fund, which Chicago prosecutors argued was a conduit for Hamas funds)

Abu Baker predicts that they may be "unable to work because all of us have become burned, all of our organizations are purely Islamic organizations..." Thus, he believes "we should start right now...begin thinking about establishing alternative organizations...whose Islamic hue is not very conspicuous."

The tape concludes with Abu Baker highlighting that if "Samah is classified as a terrorist [organization]...if I wanted to adopt its work, they kick me out..." In order to be "reactive," the Palestine Committee should "expect the worst case scenario and be proactive so that when an event takes place we would have a blanket to fall on instead of falling to the ground."

As the group continues to debate the merits of forming new organizations, Omar Ahmad is asked, "Have you studied the legal status of the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine]...and found there are real dangers such as closing...any time soon?" Ahmad responds, "The danger is two-fold, either a financial connection or orders." But, Ahmad points out, "if you cover these two bases...as an American organization, [you] can do whatever you want. This is from the legal point of view. As for the media, it is possible than you could be destroyed by the media without the law touching you."

Expanding on his point, Ahmad states, "For instance, newspapers and magazines can say that you are a terrorist because you are an Islamic organization." He adds, "they could hold things against you and destroy you on the media front before you're destroyed by the government and the law. This is like Sheik Omar, for instance." Ahmad continues, "Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, there are no...,what you call crimes against him, you see?" According to Ahmad, "they kept digging around him and stuff like that. But, it was the media which accused him before he was legally charged and he wasn't able to...because he didn't have a support system. He couldn't defend himself in face of the media. The media is overwhelming, that is." (Note: Omar Abdel Rahman was convicted for his central involvement in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and the New York landmark bombing plot. As The 911 Commission Report states, Rahman "preached the message of Sayyid Qutb's Milestones, characterizing the United States as the oppressor of Muslims worldwide and asserting that it was their religious duty to fight against God' enemies." Qutb was a key figure in the Muslim Brotherhood.)

Ahmad then bemoans the difficulty of appeasing both American and Muslim audiences. He comments, "if you want to [talk to] the Americans, you lose the Muslims. If you address the Muslims, it means that you cannot reveal your address to the Americans. Frankly speaking." Providing an example, he says, "Like when you're talking opposition to peace...people are telling us that we have become peace-loving, for instance...But, one could interpret peace-loving that we have surrendered and another would interpret it that we...use diplomatic terms...if someone asked you if you want to destroy Israel, what are you going to say on TV?" He tells the group, "if you give an inconclusive response which is like you didn't answer the question, someone will come to you and tell you that you have forsaken your principles."

Turning his attention back to the possibility of forming new organizations, Ahmad points out that "we don't really have available people whom we could dedicate for the work we want to hide."

After discussion about whether the organizations "should drop our Islamic identity or keep it," Shukri Abu Baker tells his colleagues, "War is deception. Deceive, camouflage. Pretend that you're leaving while you're walking that way...Deceive your enemy." Omar Ahmad chimes in, "This is like one who plays basketball; he makes a player believe that he is doing this while he does something else...I agree with you. Like they say, politics is a completion of war."

Next, IAP official (and future CAIR co-founder) Nihad Awad presents on media strategy. He tells attendees, "the first thing is training and qualifying individuals in the branches and the communities on media activism through holding special courses on media. Also, we could have internships for students, either in institutions or universities." Other proposals include "giving an opportunity to the largest number of non-Arab writers to adopt, write about and speaking about the Palestinian cause...", "inviting non-Arabic speakers to attend the Return Festivals so that they see that Palestine has a certain cultural and artistic characteristic," and "re-writing some leaflets and media issues relating to the Palestinian cause in English."

Discussion then turns to a statement that HLF, IAP, and ten Islamic organizations issued about Palestine. Omar Ahmad tells the group, "we kept prolonging it, diluting it and making it like water...At the end, a person must be very smart and either know that we are opposed and, consequently, understood from the statement that we are opposed, or he is intelligent and he understands that we are opposed but cannot speak." Nihad Awad points out that the other organizations were included "Because we wanted to provide legality or cover for the bottom line...As for those who want to know the opinion of the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] [they] shouldn't read this statement. Go and read the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine]'s first statement."

An unidentified speaker informs the IAP officials that "all the Islamic organizations such as ISNA, ICNA and others wish to see the day you issue a statement in your name and that's it. You are a specialized entity and you leave them alone." However, "if you keep contacting ISNA and ICNA, you will be forced to modify the language of the address."

Later in the session, Omar Ahmad comments that the peace treaty "is between infidels and infidels." And responding to a statement that "peace shouldn't be endless," Nihad Awad replies, "This is correct." Awad also argues that he does not "see any embarrassment in speaking about Islamic Sharia..."

The tape ends with the participants discussing how to address Americans. Shukri Abu Baker opines, "I have a feeling...that we avoid speaking with the Americans as we are not trained in talking with them and we are intimidated. We are scared to talk. We don't really have a clear policy in dealing with them." Pointing out the importance of choosing one's words wisely, Omar Ahmad remarks, "There is a difference between you saying 'I want to restore the '48 land' and when you say 'I want to destroy Israel.'" Shortly thereafter, Nihad Awad chimes in, "Address people according to their minds. When I speak with the American, I speak with someone who doesn't know anything. As for the Palestinian who has a martyr brother or something, I know how to address him..."

Also on this tape, Omar Ahmad declares, "By God, it seems that are no principles...No one left to protect the principles and believe in the principles other than Samah."

Osama (no further information) asks, "how is this organization going to be different in its dealing from the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] if it is an Islamic one? Do you want it to become like Abdel Rahman Alamodi? Ok, Abdel Rahman Alamodi wants to deal with them."

Gawad notes that "there is a clear attempt to normalize the Jewish, Arab and Islamic relationship in America." He adds, "There are now concrete indications about this normalization. Alamodi is saying 'For the first time, Muslims, Arabs and Jews are meeting under the dome of the White House'. He said that to Clinton." An unidentified speaker confirms, "even President Bush sent a greeting to the ISNA conference 3-4 years ago. So, the process has started long time ago but its fruits have started to appear now."

In this context, the men discuss the importance of lobbying Congress. Omar Ahmad tells the group, "We're not talking about the lobby imagining that, all of a sudden, you will have 50 Congressmen in support. We are dreaming right now." Because IAP "is seen as an Islamic entity," Ghassan (last name unknown) argues that "people must have another organization which addresses the [Palestinian Liberation] Organization, addresses the U.S. Administration, addresses any government, address with the lobby..." An unidentified individual then asks, "So, the idea suggested by Omar is acceptable. Right? The idea of a political organization and public relations and stuff."

On this tape, Gawad slips up and mentions Hamas, quickly correcting himself by saying "the Samah Movement. I mean Samah." His gaffe is met with laughter.

Also on the tape, Omar Ahmad comments, "What is the goal from the war? Isn't it the liberation of Palestine? Come on. How are you going to liberate Palestine?" An unidentified speaker responds, "Through Jihad." Ahmad replies, "Who is going to carry out Jihad? The Palestinians only are the ones who will go to Jihad against a national occupation."

Shortly thereafter, Ahmad delivers a presentation on "strengthen[ing] the Islamic activism for Palestine in North America." He argues, "we must do...two things: widening the Muslims' circle of influence and reducing the Jews' circle of influence." He stresses the importance of "broadcasting the Islamic point of view in U.S. media", pointing out that "when Nihad appeared on CNN and talked in the way he spoke, this greatly reduces the severity of allegations of radicalism."

Ahmad advocates for "preparing studies which define a method for dealing and address which suits the American political and media atmosphere. We now have a research organization which is UASR, for instance. But UASR...does not help us in Palestinian activism in America..."

Further, he believes that there must be a "unified activism program for Palestine. If the positions of the Islamic organizations started to contradict, which is what is currently happening as the [Islamic] Association [for Palestine] is saying one thing, the AMC is saying one thing, MAS is saying another thing...we must be careful that the positions of Muslims remain the same."

And, echoing a point made previously, Ahmad highlights the need to strengthen "the influence with Congress..." In his view, "This can be achieved by infiltrating the American media outlets, universities and research centers...It is also achieved by working with Islamic political organizations and the sympathetic ones such as...the American Muslim Alliance, such as the United Muslims of America, MPAC...if Muslims engage in political activism in America and started to be concerned with Congress and public relations we will have an entry point to use them to pressure Congress and the decision-makers in America."

This speaker also advocates "forming alliance with Arab and American organizations which are sympathetic to us such as the ADC and others. This will protect our organizations with the official circles."

Then, Gawad takes control of the discussion, presenting on "the axises of activism", which include "connecting the children of the cause...to Jerusalem based on Islamic grounds" and "establishing an Islamic entity for missionary and Islamic call."

• Exhibit GX 6-104

• Exhibit GX 19-8

A number of financial records have been entered into evidence documenting transfers from HLF to the Qalqilia Zakat Committee. For example, a May 1994 transfer request signed by HLF official Ghassan Elashi is here. Still more evidence of multiple transfers by HLF and its predecessor, the Occupied Land Fund, is here. In total, according to bank records, HLF sent $289,195 to the Qalqilia Zakat Committee.

Significantly, many of those transfers were conducted through the Arab Bank's branch in London, England, where the Qalqilia Zakat Committee held an account. The Arab Bank's New York branch was fined $24 million by the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FINCEN) and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) in August 2005. FINCEN and OCC assessed that the branch "failed to implement an adequate anti-money laundering program to comply with the Bank Secrecy Act and manage the risks of money laundering and terrorist financing...The New York Branch also violated the suspicious activity reporting requirements of the Bank Secrecy Act." Further, May 2005 media reports alleged that the FBI was investigating the "Arab Bank's alleged movement of funds for suspected terrorists." And, the Arab Bank has been targeted in civil lawsuits filed by the families of victims of Palestinian terrorism. Information contained in court filings provides in-depth detail on the Arab Bank's alleged ties to Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.

Also, the HLF exhibit provides a record of a May 1996 correspondence between Interpal, a British charity, and the Arab Bank. While the UK Charity Commission has refused to act against Interpal, the U.S. Treasury Department designated Interpal a Specially Designated Global Terrorist on August 22, 2003. That designation declared: "Reporting indicates that Interpal is the fundraising coordinator of HAMAS. This role is of the type that includes supervising activities of charities, developing new charities in targeted areas, instructing how funds should be transferred from one charity to another, and even determining public relations policy." The Israeli government labeled Interpal a terrorist organization in May 1997.

The defense has countered by pointing out that the organization was registered (#1 and #2) with the Palestinian Authority. Additional, generic background information on the Committee can be seen here.

This exhibit is a $9,350 check OLF wrote to the Jenin Zakat Committee for "orphans," while these financial documents show other transfers between HLF and the Jenin Zakat Committee. In sum, HLF sent $655,153 to the Jenin Zakat Committee. A Jenin Zakat Committee official thanked HLF for its support in this letter.

(Yet again, a number of the transfers were conducted through the Arab Bank's London branch. And, again, Interpal's name appears; in this excerpt, Interpal requests that the Arab Bank transfer over £10,000 into the Jenin Zakat Committee's account.)

HLF donations to the Nablus Zakat Committee are evident here. In total, HLF sent $457,288 to the Nablus Zakat Committee between 1991 and 2001. Many of those transfers occurred through the Arab Bank's London branch.

Expressing the organization's gratitude, a Nablus Zakat Committee official sent HLF this thank you letter. More communications between the two organizations can be seen here.

• Exhibit GX 19-6

HLF sent the Ramallah Zakat Committee $550,338 between 1991 and 2001, much of which went through the Arab Bank.

HLF gave the Tolkarem Zakat Committee $315,354 between 1991 and 2001. An example of an OLF check to the Tolkarem Zakat Committee is here. To show the organization's appreciation, a Tolkarem Zakat Committee official sent this thank you note.

• Exhibit GX 6-47

This $800 check from OLF was written to support "orphans," while this one for $17,600 was for "Project #112." Between 1991 and 2001, HLF sent the Islamic Charitable Society Hebron $1,759,580$1,759,580$1,759,580.

The defense has countered by pointing out that the organization was in good standing with the Palestinian Authority. According to this exhibit, the Deputy Minister of Interior helped celebrate the opening of a children's library with HLF and Islamic Charitable Society Hebron officials.

Between 1991 and 1996, HLF gave the Islamic Science and Culture Committee $455,468.

In 1994, Bahr wrote CBS a scathing letter, blasting it for highlighting HLF's ties to terrorism; he alleged that "your attack against HLF is nothing but Israeli propagande" [sic] and requested that the network "apologize immediately." Another letter, with the same text, was sent to CBS on Islamic Society of Gaza letterhead.

Between 1992 and 1996, HLF sent the Islamic Society of Gaza $80,750.

This letter from Ahmad Al-Kurd, head of the Al-Salah Society, thanks HLF for its assistance in helping "the children of the martyrs and the orphans." Treasury notes that Al-Kurd is "a recognized high-ranking Hamas leader in Gaza. Al-Kurd's affiliation with Hamas goes back over a decade. During the first Intifada, Al-Kurd served as a Hamas Shura Council member in Gaza. As of late 2003, Al-Kurd was allegedly the top Hamas leader in Deir Al-Balah, Gaza. Since mid-2005, he has served as the mayor of Deir Al-Balah, elected as a Hamas candidate."

Significantly, according to Treasury, between July and December 2002, SDGT KindHearts "sent more than $100,00 USD to...Sanabil. Financial investigation revealed that between February 2003 and July 2003, KindHearts transferred over $150,000 USD to Sanabil. KindHearts deposited the funds into the same account used by HLF when it was providing funds to the Hamas-affiliated Sanabil, according to FBI analysis." As noted earlier, HLF official Mohamed El-Mezain coordinated fundraising efforts for KindHearts and HLF official Haitham Maghawri served as the organization's manager in Lebanon.

In October 1999, Basem Fares, HLF's Program and Grants Director, wrote the U.S. Embassy requesting assistance in procuring a visa for Interpal's Essam Y.S. Mustafa. Fares wrote that HLF invited Mustafa "to attend a conference of NGO organizations that are currently working in the Middle East to improve the lives and social climate for all people."

In this letter from the Al Aqsa Charitable Organization-Holland to HLF official Akram Mishal, an Al Aqsa official provides "a copy of the addresses of the charitable organizations working for Palestine in Europe." Those organizations include identified Hamas-linked organizations, such as Interpal and C.B.S.P.

Additional information on the Al Aqsa Charitable Foundation: In this letter, addressed to the Al Aqsa Charitable Foundation, Hamas founder Ahmad Yassin writes that he "has considered establishing an exemplary school" where "education...will be free for children of martyrs and children of detainees, orphans, the poor, and the needy..." He then tells the Foundation that "there is a detailed study about the project, its architectural plans, cost lists and photos of the start of construction." Yassin requests the Foundation's mailing address in order to send that study. Another letter from the Islamic Complex-Gaza to the Al Aqsa Charitable Foundation-Germany expresses gratitude for the $7,000 the Foundation sent through Interpal.

HLF received this letter from the Secretary General of WAMY, congratulating HLF for being "at the thresholds of the second decade of your blessed foundation's life." The letter continued, "we hope that fruitful cooperation between us in supporting charitable work and aiding the needy in Palestine continues."

The Hamas ties of the individuals working in those offices are also evident in the original slide. Notably, the HLF representative in Ramallah, Akram Karoubi, has also been identified by prosecutors as a member of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood Palestine Committee.

In this 1993 letter, Shukri Abu Baker acknowledges that HLF's focus is "on the relief of the afflicted families in Gaza and the families of the deported, the detainees, and the martyrs." And in this letter, the "families and relatives of the deportees in the Bank And the Sector submit the highest forms of thanks and appreciation to the brothers" at HLF. Funds raised for the deportees can be seen here, here, and here.

For example, the U.S. government has identified Mohammed Siam as "one of the founders of Hamas." Siam's participation in conference calls raising money for HLF can be seen here and here. In this speech, Siam recounts how people in Gaza have targeted Israeli soldiers by blowing up water jugs filled with gasoline. And here is Siam saying, "They will be victorious over the invaders, with the leave of God." Notably, Siam is related to HLF's Mufid Abdulqader.

This January 31, 1997 conference call included Siam, as well as Kamal al-Hilbawi, who identifies himself as "an official spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood." (Significantly, CAIR Chairman Emeritus Omar Ahmad [a.k.a. Omar Yehya] discusses bringing al-Hilbawi to the U.S. for an IAP event in this undated intercepted conversation.)

According to the indictment, speakers like Siam and Hilbawi were "employed to inflame the audience and enhance fundraising. The HLF paid for the travel to the United States of several of these speakers and HAMAS officials, including current HAMAS leader Mahmoud Zahar and former HAMAS spokesperson Jamil Hammami."

And, in this sequence, Abdulqader sings, "I am Hamas, O dear ones. And I am Hamas, O dear ones. In midst of fire, they throw me. And I am Hamas, O dear ones. In midst of fire, they throw me. I swear to wipe out the name of the Zionist. And protect my land, Palestine."

Earlier in the scene, an unidentified male says, "And I, the Jew, do not get scared. And Hitler had killed thousands." The audience responds, "May God increase them."

(For another Abdulqader performance see here)

As noted above, along with Usama bin Laden, whom he mentored, Azzam co-founded Makhtab al-Khidamat, considered the "precursor organization to al Qaida." And, according to the U.S. government, Azzam is "regarded as a historical leader of HAMAS..."

He also said, "God is great, and Jihad is the path of the cubs of the den...God is great, and Martyrdom is the desire of all us." Further, El-Mezain cheered that, "the leadership of the Intifada...for the first time in the history of Palestine is in the hands of the Islamic crowds that fight and repel and stand every day and strike a blow at the Jews and teach them a lesson after another."

In still another section of the speech, El-Mezain counseled, "leave the door of Jihad to the people of Jihad so that the Jews will know that they have no place inside of the land of Palestine."

• Exhibit GX 15-21

Two days later, on January 24, 1995, Aboul Bara'a (no further information) called El-Mezain to inform him that "Clinton signed an order to free the assets of some Islamic organizations and persons who support the Islamic Jihad Movement and Hamas." El-Mezain responded, "Ok, God's willing. Don't worry about."

• Exhibit GX 15-5

An article on a Hamas website notes that Ayyash "is credited with introducing the technique of Martyrdom Operations in the Palestinian War against Israeli-Zionist terrorism." The article adds that Ayyash, a master bomb maker, "manage[d] to train tens of Palestinians and he taught them how to make everything out of every simple materials." Moreover, a 1996 Time magazine article asserts that Ayyash built bombs that killed 35 Israelis and frequently selected the timing and location of attacks. 

IAP had reported on the Israeli hunt for Ayyash, as evident here and here.

Hamas propaganda lionizing Ayyash can be seen here: poster, keychain #1 and keychain #2.

(HLF's sponsorship of another child, whose father was martyred, is evident here. Also note that the form states that the "family received a check for 10 thousands [sic] dollars as an assistance for a family of a martyr from Iraq." Moreover, this HLF communication also discusses supporting the families of martyrs; one of the individuals, Abdel Rahman Arouri, is identified as a Hamas member in a government filing.)

Abu Baker asks, "do you have a version of the Terrorism Bill...,the new one." He notes that "It is gonna ban...fundraising by organizations linked to terrorism." Further, he states, "the law differentiates...the charitable and...let's say, military wings of any organization. Up to this point. But after this passes, it will be the same. IT doesn't matter if you're supporting charitable. It is the same as long as that organization is named a terrorist organization."

Ghassan Elashi asserts that "the Dallas Morning News is preparing the atmosphere." (For more on HLF's relationship with The Dallas Morning News, see below.)

In order to secure a copy of the legislation, another individual on the call suggests calling Texas Congressman John Bryant.

Then, in an April 23, 1996 conversation, Abu Baker and Elashi blame AIPAC, the ADL, and Steve Emerson for designing the bill to support Jewish interests. Abu Baker says, "It is clear for whom it is designed. I mean, you can feel the language." Elashi comments, "I'm trying to formulate what is my answer back for these guys. I think it is not a legal battle...it is a political battle." Abu Baker then remarks, "Imagine a law is made in America which states that it is a felony or a crime to criticize Israel...Just like what happens in our countries: in the Islamic countries whoever curses the religion in the middle of the street, they put him in jail..." Elashi then suggests, "nobody should touch us and before they touch us, they should go and touch the...over 1,000 Jewish organizations...and find out what are those Jewish organizations doing and getting the money from America to Israel." In Abu Baker's opinion, "after they release the lists, it is gonna be clear, crystal clear that this is racism against the Palestinian people."

Identifying the true culprit behind Marzook's detention, Elashi said, "It is just a bunch of Jews in this country are the ones who cooked up the whole thing and he became a victim for it." He added, "we pray for him, that God may release him."

In a 1995 statement announcing plans to file an arrest warrant for Marzook, the Israeli Justice Ministry asserted that Hamas' "political bureau...inter alia sets HAMAS' policy on important issues, first and foremost of which are its policies vis-a-vis attacks, and order its activists to operate within the country, in the territories, and abroad. As part of his responsibilities as head of the 'political bureau,' Abu Marzook is responsible for transferring funds for HAMAS activities, including military operations." Israel also requested Marzook's extradition.

As noted above, a government filing identifies Al-Hanooti as a member of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood's Palestine Committee.

Three months earlier, Abou Amer (no further information) called El-Mezain to inform him of a press article claiming that Jordan's King Hussein would fly Marzook back to Jordan on his private plane. El-Mezain responds, "By God, it is a joyful news. May God give you good news."

Prosecutors also entered into evidence a message faxed from HLF that read, "Citizens of the city of Silwad, Palestine, in the United States Offer their warmest congratulations To the righteous native, Mr. Khaled Mishal (Abou al-Walid) For his safety from the deplorable and failed assassination attempt That was carried [out] by the Mossad agents in Amman, Jordan. In this occasion as we condemn this terrorist act and consider it to be a crime against all the son of Palestine in the homeland and abroad, we denounce Israel's terrorist policy and call upon the Arab and Muslim community in the United States to always stand by the side of our oppressed people of Palestine."

Notably, both Akram Mishal and Mufid Abdelqader are related to Khalid Mishal.

Ghassan replies, "I heard the news and I watched CNN and others. They said, don't jump to conclusions...I mean, Hamas will never do this." He adds, "It is Guiliani, the bastard, he is a bastard, a Zionist." In Elashi's eyes, Guiliani "wants to take this chance to introduce...a bill to tighten up security." Abu Baker chimes in, "there is something which indicate that the whole thing is fabrication..." What's more, Abu Baker notes, Hamas leader Abdul Aziz "Al Rantissi denied the operation." The two men also discuss the botched investigation of now-cleared Atlanta bombing suspect Richard Jewel, which they feel proves the fallibility of federal investigators. According to Elashi, "you see how they sometimes do...,in the labs they do this and that." Elashi further comments, "This guy, Jewel...Had he been a Middle-Eastern, I swear to God...he would have been finished."

In a wiretapped August 21, 1998 conversation between Shukri Abu Baker and his brother, Jamal Abu Baker - "the former Hamas leader in Sudan and the current Hamas leader in Yemen" - Jamal addressed the Sudan strike: "This increases people's convictions that this is a country which is out of control, that this is a country which lost its civilized aspect...extremists are the ones who makes decisions....This is extremism. And if you speak about terrorism, I don't think any other country practices terrorism like this country." Jamal continued, "This is a strike at civilization. You are now calling for imposing an international civilized order. You're now destroying a nation." In the same conversation, Shurki commented, "they want to Americanize the conflict the Israeli-Palestinian. They want to Americanize it in order to become a part of the conflict on the American arena and in order to make Islam and Muslims the scapegoat and to make our entire life a hell and on the run..."

Shukri Abu Baker later received a letter from the Secretary General of the Sudanese Red Crescent who wrote Abu Baker because "some of your acquaintances in Sudan have called us...in order for us to contact you with regards to the types of drugs that were manufactured at El Shifa Pharmaceutical Industries factory. The Red Crescent official reported that the factory was "used to manufacture drugs for the treatment of chronic and endemic diseases such as the malaria, pulmonary tuberculosis, diarrhea, respiratory system infection, and other types of drugs for human consumption. The factory also manufactured veterinary drugs."

As noted above, Ismail was deported in August 2004; the accompanying ICE press release stated, "Ismail claimed he was merely a Web site designer. However, documents seized from HLF showed he also had a significant role in fund raising."

This government slide gives an example of how HLF followed the directives outlined in the security manual, using the term "Samah," rather than Hamas, at the Philadelphia meeting.

Moreover, following the manual's suggestion that "advanced equipment" should be used for "conducting necessary maintenance measures for the foundation," HLF hired a security firm to sweep for bugs. In a July 29, 2000 memo, Shihan Hale, President and CEO of the Executive Protection Group, Inc., reported to HLF's Shukri Abu Baker that "the Basic RF Counter-Surveillance Sweep determined that certain aspects within the facility, and therefore the Foundation, have been under technical surveillance by unknown entities, for an undetermined period of time." (A prosecution slide summarizes the events.)

Hale adds, "you will note the Foundation has received a more than generous discount for the services rendered." Notably, Hale identifies himself as the Regional Director of Security for the Muslim American Society (MAS). A September 2004 Chicago Tribune article provides excellent background on MAS' ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. In that article, a senior MAS official admits that "Ikhwan [Brotherood] members founded MAS..." It is also worth highlighting that minutes from a Palestine Committee meeting introduced at the HLF trial state that "the role of MAS [is] to educate the brothers in all work centers, mosques, and organizations on the necessity of stopping any contacts with the Zionist organizations and the rejection of any future contacts."

(Note: Another security-related memo is here, but the author and context are unclear.)

Shukri Abu Baker's Use of "Samah" as a Code Word for Hamas
This government slide summarizes the instances in which Shukri Abu Baker said "Samah" (Hamas spelled backwards) as a code word for Hamas.

In a sworn declaration filed in the Boim civil lawsuit, Abu Baker denied that there was anything sinister behind 1993 Philadelphia meeting attendees' use of the term "Samah." Abu Baker wrote, "The use of the word 'Samah' was a whimsical and ironic play on words. 'Samah' means 'forgiveness' in Arabic, and, in my opinion, those who used the term were making ironic fun of Hamas, not adopting a secret term to disguise their references to the organization."

Shukri Abu Baker responds: "I received you letter issued August 10, 1411, which transmits your noble feelings and generous support in benefit of our steadfast people in occupied Palestine. As for the books you are inquiring about, we contacted the Islamic Association for Palestine which is the distributing party of statements, publications and books relating to the Palestinian cause, they promised us well."

Abu Baker adds, "It's important to me...to assure you that the Occupied Land Fund is your trustworthy organization to which the hearts of thousands of people of charity everywhere look up to, hoping and taking advantage of the historic opportunity to support the resistance of a nation and the jihad of a people."

Responding to the Op-Ed, which states, "the organization has openly stated its dedication to the destruction of Israel and the creation of an Islamic state in its place," Ghassan Elashi says during a wiretapped phone call with Shukri Abu Baker: "Yes, I want to establish an Islamic state in Palestine. Is this a crime?" He continues, "this article should be severely criticized as an indication of the Dallas Morning News...one point-of-view...if Hamas practiced terrorism, Israel practiced terrorism." He assesses, "there is no argument. This is a Steven Emerson article."

When asked why Mousa Abu Marzook had his "home phone and the Holy Land L.A. number in his address book when he was...arrested at JFK," Abu Baker responded that it was likely one of "another thousand names" because Marzook is "charismatic" and a "philanthropist."

In this transcript of an intercepted April 3, 1996 conversation between Mohamed El-Mezain, Shukri Abu Baker, and Haitham Maghawri, Abu Baker recounts his interview with the reporter. He remarks, "I told her, 'I know what you want. You're following the theory that we have a conspiracy and that Hamas is hiding over here and there and that there are ties and connections.' I told her, 'All of that is bologna, all of that is nonsense and the Zionist propaganda.'"

In this intercepted conversation, Shukri Abu Baker is livid that McGonigle introduced himself as Abu Baker's friend, spitting, "Liar! He's my enemy." Abu Baker continues, "this journalist is a Zionist, meaning that...he is not a friend...he has been attacking the foundation here in Dallas...for four years." Abu Baker says, "he is trying to find any issue that may link the foundation with terrorism." In Abu Baker's eyes, McGonigle is "just like a snake" and "is part of a concentrated campaign...in America in cooperation with the Jewish lobby." To protect HLF from McGonigle's prying eyes, Abu Baker orders that HLF-Gaza personnel must not "take him...to any martyr's family. Don't take him to any martyr or prisoner."

In another wiretapped conversation, Abu Baker tells Ghassan Elashi, "Let the man do what he wants. It is now too late to change and alter things. We need to file a law suit...if the man comes back and starts to do trashing again...this is what we want...this is what I want. I want him to come back and write a bad article and then we come out and do a campaign and say, "The Dallas Morning News, it has been proven beyond doubt that it is racist, anti-Muslim and anti this and that..."

Then, in this intercepted conversation, Ghassan Elashi and Haitham Maghawri discuss the consequences of McGonigle representing himself as Abu Baker's friend. Elashi says, "do you know that this fact would cancel...his trip if we can prove it." Elashi believes that "this is...ethically unprofessional." He adds, "Oh God, I hope the bastard has slipped up and he is totally confused."

HLF-Gaza provided this summary of McGonigle's visit, which resulted in this Dallas Morning News article.

Supporters of the lawsuit even created a website, dallasnotnews.com; an archived example of the website can be viewed here.

The two sides in the suit eventually reached an agreement, in which The Dallas Morning News  made a number of concessions, including agreeing to meet frequently with  the Muslim community and publish more articles by Muslim writers.

• Exhibit GX 8-1A

• Exhibit DX 175 and DX 140

On its website, HLF trumpeted its charitable efforts within the U.S. This HLF web page highlights HLF's work following the Oklahoma City bombing, tornadoes in Oklahoma/Texas, and floods in Iowa; the page further discusses the food pantry HLF opened in Patterson, New Jersey. Further, HLF states that in the immediate wake of 9/11, it called for a blood drive, provided food to volunteers, and donated $20,000 to the Red Cross. And following 9/11, HLF established a $1 million dollar scholarship fund to support the "pursuit of career fields that encourage participation in the public forum of information exchange." The fund was launched in response to the "backlash" after September 11.

A picture of an HLF fundraising booth is here and donations are being made by children here.

• Exhibit DX 1202 and DX 1203

• Exhibit DX 87

A 1995 fax from the IAP Information Office identified Hamami as a Hamas leader. Further, he has been named in U.S. government court filings as "part of...Hamas' social infrastructure in Israel and the Palestinian territories."

Further, HLF defense attorneys have introduced April 2006 Congressional testimony from Ambassador Randall Tobias, the Administrator of U.S. AID. The American Near East Refugee Aid Program (ANERA) is a recipient of U.S. AID funding; responding to an inquiry regarding possible ANERA funding of purported "well-known Hamas fronts" including the Hebron Zakat Committee, the Islamic University of Gaza, and the Salah Islamic Association, Tobias pointed out that none of those entities are "designated terrorist organizations according to OFAC's SDN and blocked persons lists."

U.S. AID faced criticism in the past for working with the Islamic African Relief Agency (IARA), which was later shut down for funneling money to Al Qaeda, Hamas, and Al-Ittihad al-Islamiyah. IARA and its top officials have also been indicted in the U.S.

The U.S. government recently announced plans to increase scrutiny of organizations that receive funding from U.S. AID to ensure they are not linked to terrorists. The program's scope was drastically scaled down.

• Exhibit DX 1094

The memo states that "IUG and associated institutions were vetted by USAID a minimum of five times between 2002 and 2006 while USAID provided assistance to it. (Individuals who received USG grants were also vetted.) USAID vetted the university according to procedures in place at the time. As appropriate, the university signed USAID's Anti-Terrorism Certification. Given these measures, post was, and remains, confident none of USAID's assistance has gone to individuals or organizations engaged in terrorism."

Nonetheless, the memo acknowledges that "out of the list of eleven current board members...6 are known members of Hamas...Ten former members of the Board also held positions in the Palestinian government headed by Hamas that was installed after the 2006 PLC elections. They included Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh, former Ministers of Interior, Health and Public Works. The University Council, led by University President Kamalain Shaath, is responsible for all academic and administrative issues. Of the 22 individuals serving on the Council, seven are members of Hamas. An additional eight are considered to be affiliated with Hamas, though not members." Moreover, "Sixteen IUG professors (twelve of whom are Hamas) were elected" to the PLC in the January 2006 election.

• Work Ethics and Expectation[s]
• Code of Ethics
• Weekly Report - Check List
• Abdel Rahman Odeh's Application for Employment (with I-9 and W-4)
• Evaluation of Abdel Rahman Odeh's Managerial Performance
• Performance Warning
• Employee Warning Notice
• Performance Bonus Offer
• Negotiating Odeh's Offer to Run HLF-Detroit

• HLF: "A Story of Growth and Prosperity." This document describes the evolution of HLF and highlights the steadily increasing donations the organization attracted.
• Two $1300 checks from the Muslim Arab Youth Association (MAYA) to Ghassan Elashi. Federal prosecutors have identified MAYA as a member of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood.
• HLF's checking account records.
• Orphan's application for sponsorship.
• A list of sponsored orphans.
• Another list of sponsored orphans.
• HLF-Gaza: Family sponsorship
• Shukri Abu Baker's displeasure with Sheik Zeeb. In this intercepted December 1999 phone conversation, Shukri Abu Baker says, "Sheik Zeeb has to understand that he messed it up for us...as a punishment...what have we got to do with the subject?...they will say: you collected for Palestine and here we deprived the Holy Land Foundation from...,from...,from a Friday sermon. He has to know it; Zeeb has to know so that I can bargain with him--so that I tell him: 'You Sheik, have caused us damage...nobody gave you the permission to collected for Palestine in America..."
• Shukri Abu Baker's report on "his visit to the occupied land from July 16th until August 3rd 1991"
• HLF's "defense against [Steve] Emerson's defamation"
• Transcript of May 29, 1999 conversation between Shukri and Ramzi Abu Baker. In this conversation, Shukri Abu Baker says, "If God forbids something happened and they shut down HLF."
• Surveillance picture #1
• Surveillance picture #2
• Surveillance picture #3

It continues, "there is no doubt that working to restore Islamic life and to reestablish the Islamic State is a tremendous task and a duty on everyone to the best of his/her abilities and if the first opinion or meaning of the term 'In the Path of Allah' is applied to today's situation, it would then mean 'TO SUPPORT EVERY EFFORT THAT STOPS KUFR AND ITS REGIMES AND REESTABLISHES THE ISLAMIC STATE.'"

Thus, "it is...allowed to pay Zakat to those parties, groups, and Islamic societies in the west, for example, because they aspire to restore Islamic life, erase Kufr regimes, and replace them with the Sharia' of Allah...Zakat will be paid to every action that could be considered as a means to reach the goal..."

• Exhibit GX 21-58

• Mahmoud Ali Alhilwa; "martyred in the battle defending the Jenin camp on 4/10/2002"
• Imad Aqel; "al Qasami leader."
• Yehya Ayyash ("The Engineer") - poster, keychainkeychainkeychain #1 and keychain #2; Background on Ayyash is here.
• Abdul Baset Mohamed Odeh
• Salah Eddin Nour Eddin Darouza ("Aboul Nour"); "assassinated with the hand of treachery and betrayal on 7/25/2001 A.D. On the land of the city of Nablus." Also, see this poster.
• Hashem Al Najjar; "The date and time was 1/1/2001, making himself an exploding bomb to shred the bodies of the Jews in Netanya."
• Hamed Abu Jalja; "The Mujahid martyr chose the area of Mahoulla as a target for his bombs on 26 Ramadan."
• Abu Khabab; "Martyred of 4/11/2002."
• Yacoub Fathi Edkik; "Martyred on 12/17/2001."
• Abdel Basit Muhammed Odeh; "Executor of the heroic revenge operation at Um Khaled (Netanya)" on 3/27/2002. The Hamas document praises Odeh with "pride, boasting, and victory."
• Four martyrs killed "by the Zionists on 9/1/2002 in Bani Na'eem."
• A slew of martyrdom posters can be seen here.
• Unidentified martyr #1 and martyr #2.
• Abu Muhammad, Sentenced to life in prison for killing an Israeli soldier.
• Mousa Abu Marzook; Head of Hamas' political office.
• Ahmad Yassin - poster and keychain. Yassin was the founder and leader of Hamas and was killed by Israeli forces in March 2004. The Israeli government notes that Yassin was "the authorizing and initiating authority for all Hamas terrorist attacks emanating from the West Bank and Gaza Strip."
• Abdul Aziz al Rantisi; Hamas "announces the good news of the death of its leader and one of its founders, the Mujahed martyr." In a June 2003 document, the Israeli government noted that "Rantisi is responsible for directing the policy of the Hamas terrorist attacks." He was killed in April 2004.